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Tag: Gov Abbott VETO

Twin Bills, One Goal: Sweeping Hemp Crackdown

Why HB 5 Mirrors SB 5.

 

A second shoe has dropped in the Texas Legislature, and it has the same number as the first. House Bill 5, filed by Rep. Gary Van Deaver during the first called session of the 89th Legislature, is a word-for-word duplicate of Senate Bill 5 by Sen. Charles Perry. The filing sets the stage for what appears to be a coordinated attempt by legislative leadership to force through a prohibitionist overhaul of the state’s hemp market with unprecedented speed and severity.

The significance of the bill number cannot be overstated. In the Texas legislative process, bills are numbered sequentially as they are filed. But the first ten or so slots in each chamber are traditionally held for measures that reflect leadership priorities. HB 1 is the state budget. SB 1 is its Senate counterpart. When the House and Senate each file a bill with the same number, and the text of those bills is identical, it is a clear signal to members, lobbyists, and stakeholders that the bills are being coordinated at the highest levels and are intended to move in lockstep.

In this case, HB 5 and SB 5 do more than signal urgency. They mark an aggressive attempt to criminalize nearly every cannabinoid product currently legal under Texas law, with almost no exceptions. The text of the bills prohibits the manufacture, sale, or possession of any consumable hemp product containing any cannabinoid other than cannabidiol (CBD) or cannabigerol (CBG). This prohibition includes popular products containing Delta‑8 THC, Delta‑9 THC derived from hemp, THCP, HHC, and other minor cannabinoids that make up a significant portion of the Texas hemp industry’s product line.

Both bills introduce criminal penalties that go well beyond regulatory oversight. Manufacturing or distributing non-compliant products would constitute a third-degree felony. Possession would become a Class C misdemeanor, escalating with repeat offenses. For retailers and consumers alike, the consequences of noncompliance would be swift and harsh. There is no grace period for existing inventory, no allowance for naturally occurring trace cannabinoids, and no scientific standard for impairment or threshold-based enforcement.

Moreover, the regulatory framework proposed by HB 5 and SB 5 imposes punitive financial burdens on businesses. The legislation requires a $10,000 licensing fee for each location where hemp is processed or products are manufactured. It sets a $20,000 annual registration fee for every retail location selling hemp-derived products and imposes a $500 registration fee for every product SKU offered for sale. These costs are not marginal. They are designed either to force small operators out of the market or to consolidate the industry under a few large, well-capitalized firms that can absorb the costs and navigate the bureaucracy.

Every product must be tested using high-performance chromatography by a DEA-registered, ISO-accredited lab located in Texas. Each item must carry a QR code linking to the Department of State Health Services registry. Law enforcement is granted inspection authority over all retail locations, and business owners must grant written consent to allow DPS or local law enforcement to conduct physical inspections of their premises at any time. In short, compliance is not a path to security—it is an ongoing vulnerability.

In parallel, both bills include sweeping marketing and packaging restrictions. Products may not resemble candy, use cartoon images, reference medical use, display green crosses, or imitate brands familiar to minors. While the goal of reducing youth access is a legitimate one, the enforcement mechanisms are overbroad and leave room for arbitrary interpretation.

Perhaps most disturbingly, the bills do not provide for exemptions for patients, veterans, or those who rely on hemp-derived products for pain relief, sleep, anxiety, or seizure control. There is no carve-out for Texas Compassionate Use Program patients. The state’s medical cannabis program remains limited to a narrow list of qualifying conditions and a short roster of licensed operators. HB 5 and SB 5 do not bridge this gap. They widen it.

Governor Abbott’s veto of SB 3 earlier this summer made clear that he does not support total prohibition. In his veto statement, he emphasized the importance of protecting consumers, regulating intoxicating products, and preserving the legal hemp market created by the Legislature in 2019. Abbott called for age restrictions, labeling rules, validated testing, and a framework that supports—not destroys—Texas hemp businesses.

HB 5 and SB 5 ignore that directive. Their drafters appear to be daring the Governor to veto again or challenging the House to rubber-stamp the Senate’s punitive approach. Whether this strategy succeeds depends in large part on the House Committee process and whether stakeholders can educate members in time.

For now, the industry must take HB 5 as seriously as SB 5. They are one and the same. And they represent the most immediate threat to the existence of a lawful, regulated, and economically vital hemp market in Texas since the passage of HB 1325 five years ago.

The Texas Hemp Reporter will continue tracking developments on both bills, publishing updates, stakeholder analysis, and legal commentary throughout the special session.

If you operate a licensed hemp business in Texas and have not yet contacted your state representative, now is the time to do so. The House has a choice: double down on prohibition or course-correct toward regulation. That decision may hinge on what happens with HB 5.

Dan Patrick and the shadow war on cannabis: A case for official oppression?

In the corridors of the Texas Capitol, where influence is currency and access determines outcome, one man’s fingerprints are all over the battle to decide the future of THC in Texas: Lieutenant Governor Dan Patrick. While Governor Greg Abbott weighs Senate Bill 3—a sweeping ban on hemp-derived THC products—Dan Patrick has already chosen his side. And he’s been stacking the deck.

This isn’t just another tale of moneyed lobbying and legislative maneuvering. The facts suggest a pattern that edges uncomfortably close to official oppression, a crime under Texas Penal Code § 39.03, where a public servant uses their position to intentionally mistreat someone or deny them a right.
Let’s walk through how Patrick — directly or through his proxies — may have done exactly that.

A market war disguised as a public health issue

In 2021, AFI Capital Partners poured $21 million into Texas Original Compassionate Cultivation (TOCC), the state’s leading licensed medical cannabis producer. That same year, THC products made from hemp—legal under the 2019 federal and Texas hemp laws—began to outsell their prescription-only counterparts. Suddenly, the monopoly granted to licensed medical marijuana producers was no longer secure. Demand dropped. Patients defected. The state’s entire tightly controlled “Compassionate Use” market was eclipsed by walk-in, over-the-counter sales of delta-8, delta-9, and THCA.

Rather than compete, TOCC called for war. And Dan Patrick was their general.

After TOCC’s decline, AFI Capital managing director Nico Richardson stepped in as CEO and began lobbying for a total ban on hemp-derived THC. Public records show TOCC hired Logan Spence– Dan Patrick’s former chief of staff, paying him upwards of $417,000. That’s not unusual in Austin. But what is unusual is how Patrick then used his office to push a bill that would effectively kneecap an entire retail industry—one supported by the majority of Republican voters.

The Patrick machine

Senate Bill 3, which bans hemp-derived THC starting this September, would gut a $5.5 billion industry and jeopardize over 50,000 jobs. Yet, despite overwhelming grassroots support for retail THC—including 135,000 petition signatures and hundreds of public testimonies— the bill sailed through Patrick’s Senate with little resistance.

Patrick didn’t just allow the bill to advance, he greased the rails. TOCC wasn’t the only company with ties to his orbit. A new pro-SB3 medical cannabis company— Blissful CannaCo— popped up last December and hired a lobbyist with social and academic ties to Patrick’s assistant general counsel. In Texas, that kind of proximity is not coincidence, it’s calculation.

When public officials take steps to rig regulatory outcomes to favor personal allies or economic interests—especially at the expense of broader constitutional rights like due process, equal protection, or economic liberty—that’s not just bad policy, that could be classified as official oppression.

The legal standard

Under Texas law, a public official commits official oppression when they use their position to intentionally mistreat or arrest someone or intentionally deny or impede a right knowing their conduct is unlawful.

Patrick’s conduct raises serious questions under each of these elements:
•Intentionality. The legislation wasn’t neutral—it was laser-targeted at retail THC products that compete with his allies’ investments.
•Mistreatment. The retail hemp industry wasn’t just ignored—it was targeted for eradication through sweeping regulation despite its popularity and economic contributions.
•Unlawfulness. If this regulation is proven to be a backdoor attempt to re-establish a state-protected monopoly benefiting politically connected actors, it could be viewed as an unconstitutional abuse of office.

Even if not criminal, it fits the spirit of the statute. And at a minimum, it’s oppression in the court of public trust.

Who really loses?

While Patrick pulls levers in the shadows, everyday Texans are the ones caught in the crossfire. Medical cannabis serves only 29,000 patients. Retail THC serves millions. Texans have made their choice clear: they want safe, accessible cannabis, without a doctor’s gatekeeping or political games. If Senate Bill 3 becomes law, it won’t be because science demanded it or voters asked for it. It will be because Dan Patrick decided to help out his friends.

And that is exactly why the question of official oppression isn’t just theoretical. When political power is used not to protect the public, but to crush competition and protect a financial elite—that’s not politics as usual. That’s a potential abuse of office.

What now?
Governor Abbott has until June 22 to sign, veto, or ignore Senate Bill 3. If he signs it, expect outrage. If he vetoes it, expect war within the GOP. But no matter the outcome, the role Dan Patrick has played deserves public scrutiny—and maybe more than that.
Because when politicians tip the scales for their allies and crush the will of the people, it’s not just cannabis rights at stake, it’s the rule of law.