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Tag: Austin TX

Bad Science, Political Raids, and the Setup Behind SB 3

WARNING: THE REPORT DAN PATRICK DOESN’T  WANT YOU TO SEE!

In Texas, we’ve seen this before: a political agenda dressed up as public safety, a compliant bureaucracy, and the weaponization of bad science to justify bad law. But this time, it’s not marijuana. It’s legal hemp—and the state’s own forensic watchdog warned them not to do it.

 

The Science Was Clear

 

In July 2021, the Texas Forensic Science Commission (FSC) issued a report questioning the reliability of gas chromatography (GC) testing methods—specifically the kind used by Armstrong Forensic Laboratory—in determining THC levels in cannabis samples. The problem? GC destroys the chemical integrity of the sample by heating it, converting non-psychoactive THCa into delta-9 THC. The result: legal hemp often appears “hot” when tested this way.

By April 2025, the Commission had grown more urgent. In a formal warning, it told prosecutors and law enforcement not to rely on GC-MS without derivatization—the exact method Armstrong was using—because it does not distinguish between THCa and delta-9 THC in processed products like vape pens and edibles. The Commission’s position was clear: GC is not scientifically valid for the enforcement of Texas hemp laws. The right tool? High-performance liquid chromatography (HPLC), which preserves the cannabinoid profile without artificially inflating THC levels.

 

DPS Didn’t Just Ignore the Science—They Sought Out Bad Results

EDITORS NOTE: Since our reporting on this last week. The Official PDF has been removed. Click Above.

Despite having access to state-run, accredited labs that used validated HPLC methods, the Texas Department of Public Safety (DPS) chose Armstrong Labs. Why? Because Armstrong’s flawed GC testing produced the kind of “hot” results that could turn lawful retail inventory into felony contraband on paper.

This wasn’t just negligence—it was selective science-shopping. DPS bypassed better labs and used the one that would give them the numbers needed to justify search and arrest warrants. Those warrants led to a coordinated series of raids in August 2024 across North Texas, most prominently in Allen, where nine hemp retailers—nearly all minority-owned—were raided. Doors were kicked in. Products were seized. People were arrested. Lives were disrupted.

And when asked about the scientific controversy, DEA Special Agent Eduardo A. Chávez, standing behind a row of local police chiefs, said the quiet part out loud:

“We’re not going to get into a scientific debate.”

That’s because there was no debate. The science was already settled—just not in their favor.

 

Dan Patrick’s Fingerprints

The timing and utility of these raids are no coincidence. Lt. Governor Dan Patrick, a long-time prohibitionist, has made clear his desire to eliminate the hemp-derived THC market. Along with Senator Charles Perry, he introduced Senate Bill 3, a sweeping measure to criminalize and regulate hemp in ways that would effectively shut down thousands of small businesses statewide.

But Patrick’s proposals needed fuel—a sense of public danger. That’s where the Allen raids came in. News coverage of the raids, complete with sensational claims about high-THC products and cash seizures, created the illusion of widespread criminality. Those raids—and the test results behind them—became Exhibit A in the Senate’s push for SB 3.

In reality, the entire operation was built on sand. The lab method was known to be invalid. The warrants were based on forensically unsound evidence. The prosecutions have largely stalled or gone unfiled. But the political damage was done—and the policy momentum created by those raids is still being used to push bans, criminal penalties, and massive regulatory overreach.

 

The Consequences

Dozens of stores have closed. Millions in assets have been seized. Texas entrepreneurs—many from immigrant and minority communities—have been branded criminals for selling federally legal hemp products. Some of the retailers caught in this net can’t even afford legal counsel; their bank accounts are frozen, their reputations destroyed.

All because DPS chose the wrong lab on purpose.

 

If It’s Not Illegal, It’s Worse

Some may argue no laws were broken. But that’s the problem. When law enforcement uses scientifically invalid methods, even after being formally warned twice by the state’s own scientific authority, it isn’t just a technical error. It’s an abuse of power. Under Texas Penal Code §39.03, this pattern begins to resemble official oppression—public servants using their authority to target people unjustly under the color of law.

And the Fourth Amendment may also come into play. Raids based on scientifically discredited probable cause are ripe for constitutional challenge. The state didn’t just bend the law—it bent science, and it bent justice.

 

The Big Lie, Texas Edition

Dan Patrick’s prohibitionist crusade depends on the belief that hemp stores are fronts for drug dealers. But the science doesn’t support that claim, and neither do the facts. What we’re seeing is the deliberate manufacture of criminality using rigged lab results and coordinated enforcement—all to push a bill that benefits entrenched political allies and clears the market for the few operators who can afford to comply.

This is Reefer Madness 2.0—driven by bad labs, bad busts, and big lies.

Mau Mau Chaplains’ Moe Monsarrat talks life, loss and legalization

For the past 15 years, 10-piece reggae act Mau Mau Chaplains has played Wednesday nights at Flamingo Cantina, a staple of Austin’s downtown live music scene. Singer and multi-instrumentalist Moe Monsarrat said people commonly refer to the standing gig as “reggae church.”

“It’s because it’s every Wednesday, and you can come and get a blessing from the music,” Monsarrat said. “We’re not preaching or anything like that. It’s nothing like that. We just play our stuff, and people feel like it’s kind of like a religious experience.

“To put it one way, I have a heart doctor, and I went to see him one day, and he said, ‘How’s the music business?’ I said, ‘It’s kind of like the doctor business.’ He said, ‘How so?’ I said, ‘Well, people come in feeling one way, and they leave feeling better.’”

Monsarrat’s love for reggae music began in the ‘70s. In his older years, he said he has stepped into a new level of confidence musically. 

“When you’re younger, you kind of wonder, ‘Am I really that good?’ You kind of doubt yourself,” he said. “I don’t doubt myself anymore. I’ve been doing it too long to doubt myself anymore.” 

Regarding cannabis, Monsarrat said the band partakes regularly and is happy to see the changes that are happening in Texas. 

“[Cannabis is] certainly part of our daily lives,” he said. “It’s something that’s important to all of us, and it’s something we’ve always had between us, and that’s where we stand. 

“I’m really happy that Austin is kind of relaxed about it, and of course, the police are pouting because they no longer have a reason to search you. They know that even if they find weed, the [district attorney] won’t prosecute it, so it’s a waste of time. So give thanks for that, and give thanks for the medicinal legalization. We can only hope that the recreational part will be passed soon. We’re great supporters of Texas NORML, and I play their golf tournament. They have their meetings here at Flamingo when they have public meetings.”

Last year, tragedy struck the band when drummer Miguel Pankratz lost his battle with cancer. 

“It broke everybody’s heart, but you know, we’ve got to carry on,” Monsarrat said. “The show’s got to go on, and that’s the way he wanted it. So that’s where we’re at, you know? Jah bless him, you know, because he was our brother, and we think about him every time we get up to play. There are certain songs that were his favorite songs, and we try to always include those. It’s a difficult thing, but when you’re getting older, it’s around you more and more all the time — like more and more of your friends die.”

While Tom Leslie now leads the band’s rhythm section, Monsarrat said he will never forget the friend he shared the stage with for three decades.

“While we’re playing it’s pure bliss, and Tom Leslie is a great drummer,” he said. “We never have to worry about anything being on time or mistakes or any of that kind of thing, so we couldn’t really be in a lot better shape as far as the players go. But nobody could play it like Miguel because we played it for so long together, so sometimes I miss little things that he did that Tom doesn’t know about or plays it differently, which is the way it should be, but still I do miss certain things about it.”

Aside from Dreadneck Wednesdays at Flamingo Cantina, Mau Mau Chaplains can be spotted playing events and the occasional out-of-town gig. They also live-stream their Wednesday night performances on Flamingo Cantina’s Facebook page at 10:30 p.m.

“It’s a wonderful thing for us to perform. We’re very thankful to be able to still do that,” Monsarrat said.

Interview: Ground Game Texas

You’ve likely heard of the growing state and hyper localized movement in the cannabis legalization space: Ground Game Texas (GGT).

GGT has been working several cities on progressive measures to include decriminalization of misdemeanor amounts of marijuana flower. The success has already taken root in Austin, and now Texans wait to see if other towns such as Denton and San Marcos will join the ranks after this coming election in November. I had a chance to reach out and inquire with the co-founders Julie Oliver and Mike Siegel to get some insight and see what is in store for the blooming reform group in Texas.

Jesse Williams / TX Hemp Reporter:  How did GGT come to be the organization it is today? I know that both Mike and you have been candidates for congressional office in the past. What happened for each one that y’all made the jump from that to cannabis advocacy?

Julie Oliver: After our congressional losses in 2020, Mike and I knew we wanted to stay involved in helping push progressive issues forward in Texas while also helping turn out voters. Texas has a terrible record when it comes to voter turnout; e.g. in November 2020, 5.7 million registered Texans did not vote.

Mike Siegel – Julie read a post-mortem on the 2020 election, and one page in particular stood out – it was a page on all of the ballot initiatives that outperformed Democrats in red and blue states. Florida passed a $15/hour minimum wage by ballot initiative. Missouri expanded Medicaid. Nebraska reformed the most predatory of lending practices – the payday loan. And both Montana and South Dakota legalized cannabis. These are really progressive issues that won overwhelmingly in these states, but folks aren’t connecting the dots that their elected officials aren’t passing these issues as legislation.

So voters in each of these states took it into their hands to make change; it’s direct democracy. In Texas, we do not have the power of citizen-led statewide ballot initiatives, but we do have the power to make change happen locally in several cities in Texas. So we decided to start in our own city with cannabis decrim.

TX Hemp Reporter:  – I know of movements in Denton, Killeen, Harker Heights, Austin, and San Marcos here in Texas that are doing decriminalization measures. Are there any other cities currently trying to get a ballot initiative going?

JO – We completed signature collection in Elgin as well. More cities to come in 2023.

TX Hemp Reporter:  Are there any other cities that Ground Game is looking to focus on next with an attempt to decriminalize misdemeanor marijuana possession?

MS –  We are looking at a number of cities for 2023, but Houston is likely one of the cities we will work in with a group of activists there.

TX Hemp Reporter:  – The Ground Game website states,  “We’re not waiting for politicians to make change. We will work to put popular policies on the ballot and engage voters on the issues.” In Austin the decriminalization measure was also with a measure to end no-knock warrants. Are there any other policies that ground game is looking at in Austin, or any other city for that matter?

JO – In South Texas, we are working on $15/hour minimum wage increases for city employees and city contractors. In El Paso, we are finalizing signature collection for a climate initiative that would require the city to take steps to meaningfully address climate change. I think we can also have meaningful reform through the ballot initiative when it comes to civil asset forfeiture.

In order for a proposed constitutional amendment to be placed on the ballot, the Texas State Legislature must propose the amendment in a joint resolution of both the Texas State Senate and the Texas House of Representatives.

TX Hemp Reporter:  – Some ballot initiatives like the one in Austin are aimed at getting the vote done during the primary election season/statewide election off season votes. Others are aimed at getting the vote on a midterm election ballot. Can you elaborate on why those votes take place at separate times. Is it because of when voter signatures are due?

MS – We think that putting popular, progressive issues on ballots across our state will help drive turnout in a state that ranks near bottom in terms of voter turnout. Texas had 5.7million registered voters who did not vote in November 2020; that means more folks didn’t vote in Texas than voted for President Biden.

 When a ballot initiative shows up on a ballot is a function of when signatures are turned in to the City Secretary or City Clerk, when the City Secretary/Clerk verifies the requisite numbers of signatures have been submitted, and then when City Council takes it up for vote. Ultimately, we’d love to help drive turnout in lower-turnout elections (like the midterm election later this year).

TX Hemp Reporter: – What other organizations has Ground Game partnered with that are local and statewide organizations to fight for change?   I know of Mano Amiga, Texas Cannabis Collective, and Decriminalize Denton, as I have personally worked with all three in some capacity on campaigns for signature drives and events to change cannabis law in San Marcos and the state?

JO – Yes, we’re grateful for the boots-on-the-ground partnerships we’ve made in the cities you mentioned. We couldn’t do any of this work without local partners. In Killeen, we are working with local activists and the former Mayor Pro-Tem, who retired from City Council but still wants to see meaningful criminal justice reform in her city. In El Paso (which is probably our most ambitious and comprehensive initiative), we partnered with the local Sunrise Movement hub. In South Texas, we are working with Lupe Votes. And as I mentioned, if we do work in Houston next year on cannabis decrim, it will be in partnership with local advocates there as well.

TX Hemp Reporter:  – Are there any other big names whether they be current officer holders, former office holders, celebrities or the like that have shown support for Ground Game Texas? Or are there any names that would come as surprising to show support? I know that Beto O’Rourke has made cannabis a talking point of his campaign for Governor, I can imagine he supports GGT.

MS – I’m sure there are 🙂

TX Hemp Reporter:  – What does the organization see as its future after the 2022 elections?

JO – Texas is a huge state, and we see the opportunity in many cities to put “workers, wages, and weed” on ballots across our state.

TX Hemp Reporter:  The website for Ground Game Texas is https://www.groundgametexas.org/. Are there any other avenues of information for readers to check out to get a better grip on what’s going on with the policy changes you’re tackling that you all could recommend?

MS – In addition to our website, we also have a social media presence – IG, Twitter, FB – @groundgametx