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Did DSHS Just Tell the Hemp Industry to Ignore Its Own Rules Until After the Election?

A motion for rehearing tells a strange story…..

 

There are moments in public policy when the mask slips.

According to a motion filed Sunday in the Fifteenth Court of Appeals, representatives of the Texas Department of State Health Services have allegedly been telling licensed hemp businesses not to worry about complying with some of the agency’s most controversial new hemp regulations because those provisions are not currently being enforced—and may not be enforced until after November.

Yes, November.

If true, the implications are staggering. Not merely because regulators would be quietly suspending enforcement of rules they spent months promulgating and defending in court, but because the explanation allegedly offered by agency personnel raises an even more troubling possibility: that politically inconvenient enforcement actions are being deferred until voters have cast their ballots.

The allegation appears in a Motion for Rehearing filed by the Texas Hemp Business Council and other plaintiffs challenging DSHS’s new hemp rules. The filing includes sworn affidavits from industry figures Lukas Gilkey and Kevin Salganik describing recorded conversations with a senior DSHS inspector. According to the motion, the inspector stated that DSHS legal staff and supervisors had instructed personnel not to enforce the agency’s new “total THC” standard and to revert licensing fees to their previous levels.

More remarkably, the inspector allegedly told one caller that “November” represented the likely timeline because “midterms and a lot of other stuff comes open.”

One need not be especially cynical to understand why such a statement might attract attention.

A Curious Change of Heart

Only weeks ago, Texas argued to the Court of Appeals that maintaining an injunction against the new rules would substantially harm the state by preventing DSHS from enforcing its revised regulatory framework. The state vigorously opposed temporary relief, insisting that the agency needed the ability to immediately implement its new total THC standard and dramatically increased licensing fees.

Yet, according to the newly filed motion, once the appellate court dissolved the injunction, DSHS personnel allegedly began telling industry participants the exact opposite.

“Don’t worry about total THC,” one inspector allegedly told a caller. “We’re not going to enforce anything with total THC.”

Another statement attributed to the same inspector is even more direct: “Something has changed. We’re not doing total.”

If these statements accurately reflect agency policy, the obvious question is simple: what changed?

Neither DSHS nor the Attorney General’s office has publicly announced any suspension of enforcement. No emergency guidance appears to have been issued. No formal rulemaking has been initiated. Instead, according to multiple industry participants, the agency has apparently been communicating this information privately, one telephone call at a time.

Regulation by whisper campaign is an unusual administrative model.
Government by Ambiguity

The immediate casualty of such an approach is legal certainty.

Texas hemp operators occupy one of the most heavily scrutinized and politically contentious regulatory environments in the state. Licenses, inventory, contracts, supply chains, laboratory testing, insurance coverage, and financing decisions all depend upon businesses understanding what the rules are and, equally important, whether those rules will actually be enforced.

At present, industry participants appear to be confronting an impossible dilemma.

Should they comply with the newly adopted total THC standard—potentially destroying existing inventories, disrupting supply chains, and imposing massive costs—or should they rely on verbal assurances from DSHS personnel that the rules are not presently being enforced?

Neither option is attractive.

Businesses that continue operating under preexisting standards risk future enforcement actions if the agency reverses course. Businesses that voluntarily comply with rules the agency itself is allegedly declining to enforce may simply put themselves out of business unnecessarily.

This is not regulatory oversight. It is regulatory roulette.

The Election Question

The most explosive aspect of the filing is, unsurprisingly, political.

The hemp plaintiffs suggest that DSHS’s alleged enforcement pause may reflect an effort to avoid public backlash before the November elections. The evidence offered for this proposition is limited principally to the inspector’s reported comments regarding “November,” elections, and future enforcement.

Whether a court ultimately finds such allegations persuasive is another matter entirely. Judges are generally reluctant to infer political motives absent substantial evidence, and state officials would undoubtedly deny that electoral considerations play any role in enforcement decisions.

Nevertheless, the allegation itself highlights an uncomfortable reality facing Texas policymakers.

For the last two legislative sessions, elected officials have repeatedly portrayed the hemp industry as an urgent public health threat requiring immediate and aggressive intervention. If that characterization is accurate, delaying enforcement until after an election would be difficult to justify. Legitimate public dangers, after all, do not customarily observe campaign calendars.

Conversely, if the agency truly believes enforcement can safely wait until November—or beyond—it inevitably raises questions regarding the urgency and necessity of the regulations in the first place.

Those are questions legislators and regulators may eventually have to answer.

The Larger Problem

Whatever happens in the litigation, the episode illustrates a deeper pathology in Texas cannabis policy.

The state has spent years attempting to maintain an increasingly implausible distinction between a tightly controlled medical marijuana program serving a relatively small patient population and a broadly accessible hemp marketplace that millions of Texans have embraced.

The resulting contradictions have produced exactly what one would expect: lawsuits, inconsistent enforcement, market instability, and administrative confusion.

Businesses are left attempting to divine regulatory intent from hallway conversations and telephone calls. Agencies are forced to reconcile statutory language with political demands. Consumers are left uncertain about which products are lawful today and which may become contraband tomorrow.

No industry—least of all one employing tens of thousands of Texans—can operate indefinitely under those conditions. Which perhaps is the point.

If the allegations contained in the hemp plaintiffs’ latest filing are accurate, the state’s regulators may have inadvertently demonstrated precisely why the Court of Appeals should restore the injunction pending appeal: because when the agency itself cannot clearly articulate what rules are in force, regulated parties cannot reasonably be expected to comply with them.

The law is supposed to provide notice.

It is not supposed to require a phone tree.

FDA-Approved and State-Licensed Products Are Moved to Schedule III

The biggest day in federal cannabis policy in decades arrived this morning — and the fine print is doing a lot of work.

 

For years, cannabis advocates, industry operators, and policy watchers have dreamed of the day the federal government would move marijuana off Schedule I — off the shelf it shares with heroin, away from the company of substances deemed to have no accepted medical use and a high potential for abuse. Today, April 23, 2026, that day arrived. Acting Attorney General Todd Blanche signed the order. The DEA made it official. Cannabis, in limited form, is now a Schedule III controlled substance under federal law.

Savor the moment for a breath, and then read the fine print.

What moved to Schedule III is not cannabis as a category. It is not hemp-derived THC. It is not the THCA flower sitting in the case at your neighborhood smoke shop. It is not recreational marijuana, not CBD gummies, not delta-8 cartridges, not a single product in the vast and inventive gray market that has operated under the protective ambiguity of the 2018 Farm Bill. What moved to Schedule III is a carefully circumscribed set of products: FDA-approved drug formulations containing delta-9-THC derived from Cannabis sativa L., and marijuana subject to a qualifying state-issued medical marijuana license.

That’s it. That’s the win.

Everything else — and there is a great deal of everything else — remains Schedule I. Any marijuana product that is neither FDA-approved nor covered by a state medical license is still, under federal law, as illegal today as it was yesterday. The DOJ press release phrases this with lawyerly precision: the order applies to products “subject to a qualifying state-issued license authorizing the licensee to manufacture, distribute, and/or dispense marijuana or products containing marijuana for medical purposes.” The recreational market in legal states? Still Schedule I. The hemp-derived THC products that have carved out a multi-billion dollar niche in the regulatory gray zone? Still Schedule I. Still, potentially, federal felonies.

This distinction is not incidental. It is the architecture.

To understand why, you have to appreciate who benefits from today’s order and who does not. The clear winners are the multi-state operators — the MSOs that have spent years building licensed, regulated, vertically integrated cannabis businesses in states that permit medical use. These companies have labored under Section 280E of the Internal Revenue Code, a provision that denies standard business deductions to enterprises trafficking in Schedule I or II substances. Moving to Schedule III eliminates that burden, potentially freeing up tens of millions of dollars in annual tax liability for the larger operators. It also accelerates federally permitted research, clears a path for banking relationships long denied to Schedule I businesses, and, less tangibly but not insignificantly, removes some portion of the stigma that has clung to the industry like smoke to fabric.

The losers are the hemp-derived THC operators — the manufacturers, distributors, and retailers who have built businesses on the premise that Farm Bill hemp, with its permissive treatment of cannabinoids other than delta-9, created a lawful pathway to the intoxicating cannabis market. Today’s order does not validate their business model. If anything, it sharpens the line of demarcation between the licensed, legitimate cannabis industry and what the MSOs have long called the gray market — and have more recently started calling an unlawful competitor.

Consider the sequence. For the past two years, multi-state operators have been suing smoke shops and distributors across the country — in Missouri, Pennsylvania, and Texas among other states — arguing that hemp-derived THCA products are functionally marijuana and should never have been sold under Farm Bill cover. Today’s rescheduling order hands those operators a cleaner rhetorical weapon. If you want the protection of federal tolerance, get a state medical license. If you don’t have one, the federal government has just made its position more explicit, not less.

The order was signed by Todd Blanche, the acting attorney general, and it comes roughly four months after President Trump’s executive order directing the administration to move forward on rescheduling — a process that had languished through years of NPRM proceedings, administrative hearings, and public comment periods under the previous administration. That the Trump DOJ completed the move, however narrowly scoped, is genuinely notable. It is not the comprehensive reform that advocates sought, but it is a real policy change with real economic consequences for a real industry.

The next inflection point is June 29, 2026, when the DEA has announced it will convene an expedited hearing to consider whether marijuana as a category — not just the FDA-approved and state-licensed subset — should be reclassified to Schedule III as well. That hearing is where the broader argument will be fought. It is where the hemp industry will have to confront the question it has largely avoided: if marijuana moves to Schedule III wholesale, does the Farm Bill gray zone collapse entirely, or does it survive through a different legal theory?

No one has a clean answer to that question yet, which is precisely why it’s the most important question in cannabis policy right now.

What we know today is this: the federal government drew a line, and it drew that line around the licensed medical market. THCA is on the wrong side of it. Hemp-derived intoxicants are on the wrong side of it. The gray market — creative, entrepreneurial, constitutionally interesting, and genuinely beloved by the consumers it serves — just got a clearer target on its back.

That’s not a reason to despair. It’s a reason to pay very close attention to what happens on June 29.

 

Jay Maguire covers cannabis policy, hemp industry litigation, and the politics of drug reform. He is political editor of a cannabis industry trade publication and an investigator working on behalf of hemp retailers and distributors in regulatory and legal proceedings.