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Study: Most Daily Cannabis Consumers Don’t Meet Criteria for “Moderate” or “Severe” Cannabis Use Disorder

Orono, ME: Few heavy, daily users of cannabis meet the diagnostic criteria for either “moderate” or “severe” cannabis use disorder (CUD), and many don’t meet any criteria for CUD, according to data published in the Journal of Addiction Medicine.

A team of investigators affiliated with the University of Maine, Columbia University in New York, and the Dartmouth Geisel School of Medicine in New Hampshire assessed CUD severity in a cohort of 4,000 daily consumers. On average, participants reported consuming at least 200 mg of THC per day.

Despite participants’ frequent use of cannabis, nearly one-third (30 percent) of participants did not meet criteria for CUD. (People are defined as suffering from CUD if they meet two out of 11 possible diagnostic criteria, such as experiencing feelings of craving or withdrawal.) Forty-five percent of respondents were defined as suffering from “mild” CUD. Participants in this category were likely to acknowledge spending a “great deal of time” on activities related to cannabis and/or expressing a “strong desire” to consume cannabis.

Only three percent of respondents met criteria for “severe” CUD.

“Surprisingly, even though participants in our sample reported consuming on average over 200 mg [of] THC per day, the majority of the sample either did not meet CUD criteria or met criteria for mild CUD,” the study’s authors concluded.

The study’s findings are consistent with those of a recent UC San Diego study determining that among seniors diagnosed with CUD, only four percent experienced severe symptoms. By contrast, 76 percent of older Americans meeting the criteria for CUD were described as having “mild” symptoms.

Writing in a recent op-ed on the subject, NORML’s Deputy Director Paul Armentano suggested that incidences of CUD may be over-reported because current criteria make no exception for those who consume cannabis regularly for therapeutic purposes.

Armentano also questioned the real-world significance of CUD. According to data provided by the US Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, the percentage of people entering treatment primarily for cannabis use fell approximately 20 percent between 2020 and 2024, the last year for which data is available. By contrast, the percentage of individuals admitted for alcohol abuse rose every year during this period.

In a recent series of Substack posts, Dr. Peter Grinspoon – a cannabis specialist at Massachusetts General Hospital – expressed similar concerns. He opined, “To the extent that we miss nuances, and overestimate the prevalence of cannabis addiction, we muddy the societal debate about the relative harms and benefits of integrating cannabis into medical care.”

Full text of the study, “Identifying subtypes of cannabis use disorder: A latent class analysis among daily cannabis consumers and associated sociodemographic and cannabis characteristics,” appears in the Journal of Addiction Medicine.

What’s Really in Your Hemp-Derived THC Product?

By Michael A. Davis

 

A hemp-derived THC gummy may look like an ordinary packaged snack, with a product name, a list of ingredients, and a label describing how much THC it contains. For the person buying it, the package may be the main source of information about what they are consuming. But laboratory studies have raised questions about whether cannabinoid labels always tell the full story, and regulators have warned that some products present additional concerns involving formulation, contaminants, and misleading claims.

The issue is especially relevant to consumers purchasing products containing delta-8 THC, a psychoactive cannabinoid commonly produced by converting cannabidiol (CBD) extracted from hemp. Although these products are often marketed as hemp-derived goods, the word “hemp” does not mean a product is non-intoxicating or that its contents have been independently verified.

In a study published in the Journal of Medical Toxicology in 2023, researchers purchased 20 commercially available delta-8 THC products from retail stores in Pittsburgh and compared their advertised cannabinoid content with independent laboratory results. Delta-8 THC was detected in 19 of the 20 products, but the relationship between the amount advertised and the amount measured was weak. Researchers also detected delta-9 THC in seven products, demonstrating that products marketed around one cannabinoid may contain others as well.

The study was small and limited to products purchased in one city, so it cannot establish how accurately all delta-8 THC products are labeled. Nevertheless, it illustrates why consumers should not assume that a potency figure on a package always provides a complete picture of what is inside.

What a Laboratory Report Can Tell You

A certificate of analysis, commonly called a COA, is a laboratory report that provides information about a product or its ingredients. Depending on the product and the testing performed, it may identify measured cannabinoid concentrations and report results for contaminants. For a consumer, the value of the document depends on whether it corresponds to the specific product being purchased and whether the testing covers the questions that matter.

A QR code or website address alone does not establish that a product is safe. Consumers need to be able to connect the report to the product’s batch, understand which substances were tested, and determine whether the results support the claims printed on the package. A report that measures cannabinoid content, for example, should not automatically be treated as proof that every possible contaminant has been assessed.

Texas already requires consumable hemp product labels to include a batch or lot identifier and a web address linking to a certificate of analysis for the product or its hemp-derived ingredients, alongside manufacturer information and a certification concerning delta-9 THC concentration. The Texas Department of State Health Services outlines these requirements in its consumable hemp program guidance.

Those requirements give consumers a starting point, but the practical question remains whether the information is accessible, understandable, and tied to the item on the shelf.

Why the Ingredients and Manufacturing Process Matter

The U.S. Food and Drug Administration has raised separate concerns about the way some delta-8 THC products are manufactured. Because naturally occurring delta-8 THC is present in very small amounts in hemp, concentrated products are commonly made by converting other cannabinoids through chemical processes. The FDA has warned that manufacturing methods may leave potentially harmful by-products or contaminants when production is not adequately controlled.

These warnings do not establish that every delta-8 THC product is contaminated, nor do they show that every manufacturer uses unsafe methods. They do explain why a product’s advertised cannabinoid content is only one part of the information consumers need.

The FDA has also reported adverse-event reports and poison-control exposure cases involving delta-8 THC products, including accidental exposures affecting children. Such reports are important safety signals, although they do not represent a complete count of all exposures or prove that every reported event was caused by a product defect.

What Consumers Should Take Away

Consumers comparing hemp-derived THC products should look beyond the front of the package. Checking the batch information, reviewing the available certificate of analysis, reading the ingredient list, and examining the stated amount per serving can help a buyer understand what the manufacturer is claiming. Clear warnings and child-resistant packaging also matter when products contain intoxicating cannabinoids.

None of these steps can guarantee a product’s safety, and consumers should not interpret a laboratory report as a substitute for independent regulatory oversight. The evidence instead points to the importance of reliable manufacturing, accurate labeling, and testing that is relevant to the product being sold.

For consumers, the label is often where the purchasing decision begins. The challenge is making sure the information behind that label is accurate enough to deserve their confidence.

 

Texas Doesn’t Need a Hemp Ban. It Needs a Rulebook.

By Michael A. Davis

 

Texas has legitimate reasons to regulate hemp-derived cannabinoid products, particularly those containing intoxicating compounds that may be mistaken for ordinary candy, beverages, or other everyday products. Parents deserve protection for their children, consumers deserve accurate information, and responsible businesses deserve clear rules they can follow.

 

The question is whether Texas can achieve those goals through effective regulation rather than relying on broad restrictions that eliminate lawful opportunities alongside unsafe products. Consumer protection should be the priority, but prohibition should not automatically become the only policy option.

 

Put Consumer Safety First

Texas already regulates consumable hemp products under Chapter 443 of the Texas Health and Safety Code. Lawmakers should build on that foundation by enforcing a minimum purchase age of 21 for intoxicating products, requiring identification checks, and imposing meaningful penalties for unlawful sales to minors.

 

Products should use child-resistant packaging, while advertising should avoid appealing to children or making unsupported medical claims. Independent laboratory testing should verify cannabinoid content and screen for relevant contaminants, including pesticides, heavy metals, and residual solvents.

 

Labels should clearly disclose ingredients, serving sizes, cannabinoid content, and appropriate warnings about impairment and accidental ingestion. Testing must also distinguish between delta-8 THC, delta-9 THC, THCA, and other cannabinoids so consumers are not misled about what they are purchasing.

 

Establish Clear Rules for Businesses

A workable regulatory system needs transparent licensing standards for manufacturers, distributors, and retailers, along with inspections, traceable production records, and an effective product-recall process. Fees and compliance requirements should be proportionate to the activities involved, allowing regulators to focus resources where risks are greatest.

 

Enforcement should distinguish between correctable administrative mistakes and serious misconduct. Falsified laboratory results, deliberate sales to minors, misleading product claims, and repeated violations should trigger meaningful consequences, including fines, recalls, or license suspension when warranted.

 

Texas should also publish enforcement data and regularly review its rules so lawmakers and the public can evaluate whether the system is improving consumer safety.

 

Respect the Law

Regulation cannot make every cannabinoid product legal. Federal law is changing, and products that no longer qualify as hemp under applicable federal definitions may face federal controlled-substance restrictions. Texas must ensure its framework complies with federal law rather than promising businesses protections the state cannot legally provide.

 

Within those boundaries, lawmakers should clearly identify which products may legally be sold, which require additional controls, and which are prohibited. Clear guidance would help consumers understand their options while giving compliant businesses a more predictable legal environment.

 

Texas Lawmakers Must Act

The Texas Legislature should enact a comprehensive Hemp and Cannabinoid Consumer Protection and Regulation Act establishing statewide standards for age verification, independent laboratory testing, child-resistant packaging, accurate labeling, responsible advertising, licensing, and enforcement.

 

The legislation should assign clear responsibilities to state regulators, establish meaningful penalties for violations, and require regular public reporting. Periodic reviews of safety data and enforcement outcomes would allow Texas to respond to emerging risks without leaving responsible businesses trapped in continuing legal uncertainty.

 

The choice before Texas is not simply whether to permit or prohibit hemp-derived cannabinoid products. It is whether the state will establish enforceable rules that protect children, inform consumers, hold bad actors accountable, and provide clarity for businesses operating within the law.

 

Texas lawmakers should stop treating this issue as a choice between unrestricted sales and sweeping prohibition and put a comprehensive, evidence-informed regulatory framework into law. Texans deserve protections that can be enforced, businesses deserve rules they can understand, and the public deserves a system measured by its results.

 

 

The State of Texas Has Filed Its Final Brief in the THBC Rules Appeal

The Fifteenth Court now must decide whether DSHS adopted a testing method or rewrote the law the Legislature passed.

The State of Texas filed its reply brief on September 17 in the appeal over the Department of State Health Services’ new consumable-hemp rules, completing the written argument in Texas Department of State Health Services v. Texas Hemp Business Council, Cause No. 15-26-00099-CV, now pending before the Fifteenth Court of Appeals. The State opened on June 25. The Texas Hemp Business Council, Hemp Industry & Farmers of America and the business plaintiffs answered on August 14. Unless the justices call for supplemental briefing, the September 17 reply is the last word either side gets on paper. The court’s docket lists the case as ready to be set, which means the record and the briefs are complete and the case may be submitted for decision whenever the court chooses. Both sides have asked for oral argument, but the court is under no obligation to grant it, and a panel that considers the briefs sufficient may simply decide the case on them.

While the industry waits, DSHS may enforce the rules the industry says were illegally adopted. The 455th District Court granted a temporary injunction on May 1, and the State appealed at once, invoking the protection Texas law gives governmental appellants against enforcement of adverse orders while an appeal is pending. The plaintiffs asked the Fifteenth Court to keep the district court’s injunction alive under Texas Rule of Appellate Procedure 29.3, and on May 7 the appellate court temporarily reinstated it while considering the request. On June 5 the court denied the motion and lifted that temporary protection, over the disagreement of Justice Scott Field, who would have granted relief. The plaintiffs sought rehearing, which the court denied on June 26. The May 1 injunction remains the order under review, but it presently protects no one. The plaintiffs have not lost the appeal; they must simply litigate it while living under the rules they are litigating against.

Anyone who has watched a regulatory fight in Texas knows how that arrangement tends to end. A business can win after a full appellate process and discover that the victory arrived after its inventory, its customers and its operating capital had gone elsewhere. An agency suffers no comparable attrition. It draws its budget from the Legislature, not from sales, and it can afford to be patient in a way that a retailer with a lease and a payroll cannot. The State does not need to prevail quickly in the Fifteenth Court. It needs only for the court to take its time.

What the State is asking for, and what it would cost the plaintiffs

The State asks the Fifteenth Court to reverse the district court’s refusal to dismiss the plaintiffs’ ultra vires claims, to dismiss those claims for lack of jurisdiction and to vacate the temporary injunction. It separately argues that the district court exceeded its authority by extending the injunction to the entire Texas consumable-hemp industry in a case that was never certified as a class action. This is an interlocutory appeal, not a trial on every claim, and the court is reviewing the injunction and the jurisdictional challenge rather than deciding whether the rules are valid. Depending on the result, portions of the case will likely return to the district court for further proceedings.

An interlocutory ruling can nonetheless decide whether the lawsuit remains worth having. Dismissal of the ultra vires claims would strip the plaintiffs of their principal vehicle for arguing that DSHS officials acted beyond their statutory authority. Vacating the injunction would leave the rules in force while the surviving claims grind forward. Confining any future relief to the named plaintiffs could leave most of the industry exposed even if those plaintiffs eventually win. The State’s reply develops each of those routes, and its best arguments concern the form and scope of the relief the district court granted. Its explanation of where the agency found the authority to count THCA as delta-9 remains, after three briefs, the weakest part of its case.

A testing method that moves the legal line

Texas law defines hemp by its concentration of delta-9 tetrahydrocannabinol. DSHS adopted a total-THC calculation under which a laboratory adds the delta-9 already present in a product to the amount of delta-9 that could result from converting its THCA. The State calls this a testing methodology, and the case may turn on whether the court accepts that description or sees the calculation for what it does to the statutory limit.

The chemistry is not in dispute. THCA converts into delta-9 THC through decarboxylation, and federal agricultural regulations require that hemp crops be tested in a manner that accounts for the potential conversion. DSHS argues that Chapter 443 requires its consumable-hemp rules to remain consistent with federal hemp law and with the Texas Department of Agriculture’s federally approved hemp plan, and that this consistency requirement authorizes the same calculation for finished products on a retail shelf. The difficulty is that the relevant statutes address different stages of the market. Agricultural testing determines whether a crop may be harvested and put into commerce. Finished-product testing determines whether something manufactured from lawful hemp may be sold to a consumer. Farmers, manufacturers and retailers do different work under different programs, and a rule can remain consistent with federal law without importing every agricultural requirement into the finished-product regime. Federal law has long allowed states to regulate hemp more strictly, but that permission answers only the preemption question. A Texas agency must still find its authority in Texas law.

The reply identifies no statutory provision that expressly directs DSHS to include THCA-derived potential delta-9 when calculating the concentration of a finished consumable product. It relies instead on the agency’s general rulemaking authority, the federal-consistency requirement, the scientific relationship between THCA and delta-9 and the public-safety reasons for controlling intoxicating products. Those considerations would support a bill establishing a total-THC standard, and the Legislature has had every opportunity to pass one. It considered broad restrictions on consumable hemp during the 2025 regular session, passed Senate Bill 3 and watched Governor Greg Abbott veto it. The Senate tried again in the special sessions without producing a law. DSHS then adopted a rule that accomplishes a substantial part of what the failed legislation would have done. That chronology does not by itself prove the rule invalid, but it sharpens the delegation question considerably. When the Legislature repeatedly considers a policy and declines to enact it, an agency ought to be able to point to clear statutory language before imposing substantially the same result by regulation.

The State cites Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo for the proposition that a court may find an agency’s judgment informative when it rests on facts within the agency’s expertise. DSHS plainly has expertise in laboratory testing, and it may properly explain conversion rates, tolerances, analytical equipment and the conditions under which THCA becomes delta-9. But the court must still decide what the Legislature authorized the agency to measure for purposes of legal compliance, and expertise cannot supply statutory language that is not there. A test that estimates potential delta-9 tells a regulator something useful about how a product may behave when heated, but it does not measure the delta-9 present at the time of testing. It adds a second cannabinoid after applying a conversion factor, and that arithmetic determines which products remain legal and which become subject to seizure, penalties or exclusion from the Texas market. DSHS made a decision with legal consequences well beyond laboratory procedure, and the question is whether Chapter 443 entrusted that decision to DSHS. The reply answers largely with the merits of the agency’s preferred policy. It argues that farmers face strict testing and retailers should not be allowed to sell intoxicating products that would fail an agricultural total-THC calculation, and that testing would serve little purpose if DSHS could not use it to limit psychoactive substances in the food supply. That explains the agency’s objective well enough. It leaves the source of its authority where it was.

Borrowed authority from Sky Marketing, Congress and the Governor

The reply leans heavily on the Texas Supreme Court’s recent decision in Texas DSHS v. Sky Marketing Corp., which upheld the DSHS commissioner’s authority to include delta-8 THC in the state schedules of controlled substances. The Court examined the Texas Controlled Substances Act and concluded that the Legislature had delegated the relevant scheduling power to the commissioner. The present case arises under Chapter 443 and asks something different. DSHS is not placing a named substance on a schedule; it is applying a new calculation to determine whether consumable products meet a statutory delta-9 limit. The reply describes Sky Marketing as validating a controlled-substance determination concerning “all forms of detectable THC present in hemp,” but the decision announced no universal rule that every tetrahydrocannabinol detected in hemp may be treated as delta-9 for every regulatory purpose. It addressed scheduling power and the status of delta-8 under the Controlled Substances Act. The State must show a comparable delegation under the consumable-hemp statutes, and Sky Marketing may inform how the court reads the relationship between hemp law and the controlled-substances scheme, but it cannot furnish authority that Chapter 443 omitted.

The State also cites Barlow v. State, a memorandum opinion in a criminal appeal, for the argument that a total-delta-9 standard sufficient to support a conviction ought to be sufficient to regulate retailers. The rhetorical appeal is obvious. The legal value depends on the statute applied in Barlow, the evidence presented and the precise issue the court decided, and an evidentiary ruling in a criminal prosecution does not enlarge an agency’s rulemaking power any more than a conviction for speeding enlarges the Department of Transportation’s authority to set speed limits.

The reply opens, curiously, with the federal hemp restrictions scheduled to take effect later this year. Congress has adopted a broader definition affecting finished hemp products, and subsequent appropriations legislation adjusted the effective dates for portions of those amendments. The coming federal standard may reduce the long-term commercial importance of some products in this litigation, and it may bear on the scope of prospective relief. It does not establish that DSHS possessed authority under Texas law when it adopted the challenged rules. An agency acts under the law in force when it exercises delegated power, and a later act of Congress cannot retroactively authorize a Texas rule or cure a defect in the state rulemaking process. Federal law’s tolerance for stricter state regulation likewise tells us that Texas may adopt tighter standards through lawful means; it does not tell us which Texas institution may adopt them. The Legislature writes the law and the agencies carry out what the law assigns them, and the federal government has no opinion about how Austin divides that labor.

The same limit applies to the Governor. The State says Abbott’s executive order directed DSHS to use testing methods that account for the conversion of THCA into delta-9, and the order is certainly part of the rule’s history. But a governor may direct an agency to use the statutory authority it already has; he cannot manufacture new regulatory power by executive order. If Chapter 443 withheld authority to impose a total-THC standard on finished products, an instruction from the Governor could not confer it. The full history cuts against the State’s framing in any event. Abbott vetoed Senate Bill 3 and rejected the Legislature’s ban. His veto message called for regulation of a lawful consumable-hemp market, with age restrictions, testing, packaging, serving limits and enforcement against dangerous products. He did not direct DSHS to eliminate the market he had just preserved. The State quotes his description of a dangerously under-regulated marketplace, and that language supports stronger enforcement and a more serious regulatory system. It does not resolve whether DSHS stayed inside the statute while building one.

Where the State stands on firmer ground

The State’s procedural defense is more substantial. The Health and Human Services Commission, which adopts rules on the department’s behalf, received 1,421 comments during rulemaking, responded to many of them and revised the proposal before adoption. The final version reduced the proposed fees, removed certain advertising restrictions and changed some packaging provisions. The State can therefore show that the industry knew what the agencies proposed and participated extensively. The plaintiffs answer that HHSC still failed to satisfy requirements the  Administrative Procedure Act imposes, including economic-impact analysis, consideration of less burdensome alternatives and a reasoned explanation supported by the administrative record, and they are right that participation by the regulated parties does not excuse an agency from work the statute assigns to the agency. The weight of any omission will nonetheless depend on prejudice. The State argues that the industry understood the consequences well enough to oppose the proposal in detail, and the plaintiffs will need to tie each procedural defect to information withheld from the public, an alternative the agency failed to evaluate, an unsupported cost assumption or some other deficiency that impaired meaningful participation.

The State also mounts a credible defense of the increased fees. It identifies costs for additional inspectors, travel, laboratory equipment, enforcement proceedings and coordination with DPS, TABC and the State Office of Administrative Hearings. The plaintiffs can contest the arithmetic and whether the fees reasonably correspond to the cost of regulation, but the State has produced evidence of a regulatory purpose, which is what the constitutional question asks for. Its comparison to the fees paid by compassionate-use dispensing organizations adds little. TCUP licenses confer different privileges under a separate statutory structure, and the constitutionality of a hemp fee depends on its relationship to the cost of regulating hemp businesses, not on what Texas charges its medical-marijuana licensees.

The penalty claims may prove difficult to resolve before an actual enforcement action. The governing statute permits substantial daily penalties and directs DSHS to weigh the seriousness of a violation, prior conduct, good faith, public-health risk and other matters justice requires. The plaintiffs’ stronger concern is whether penalties continue accumulating during administrative and judicial review, so that the right to contest an agency decision becomes too expensive to exercise. That is a real grievance, but it may be one a court prefers to address when a business is actually facing the meter.

The statewide injunction is where the plaintiffs are most exposed

The district court extended its injunction to all commercial participants in the Texas consumable-hemp industry in a case that was never certified as a class action, and the State argues that the court granted relief to thousands of non-parties and blocked enforcement across the state. Recent Texas and federal decisions have grown increasingly skeptical of injunctions that protect parties not before the court, and that skepticism gives the Fifteenth Court a way to rule for the State without endorsing the total-THC interpretation at all. A panel disinclined to wade into Chapter 443 could vacate or narrow the injunction on scope alone and send the merits back down.

The plaintiffs have a coherent response. A statewide rule that is invalid cannot sensibly be valid for one retailer and invalid for another, and a declaration about the rule’s validity will necessarily affect every regulated business, not merely the named plaintiffs. Supply chains connect manufacturers, distributors and retailers, and relief confined to a handful of companies would be difficult to administer in practice. Temporary relief raises a separate question, however. The appellate court may decide that protection during litigation should extend only as far as necessary to preserve the named plaintiffs’ rights, and such a ruling would leave most of the industry subject to the rules while the district court continues to consider whether the rules are valid. That outcome would carry severe consequences without settling the statutory question, and it would leave the eventual winner, whoever it is, with rather less of a market to protect.

The appeal is fully briefed and ready for the court’s consideration. No argument date appears on the docket and the court has not announced when it will submit the case. It may dismiss the ultra vires claims, uphold or vacate the injunction, limit relief to the named plaintiffs, remand for further proceedings or combine elements of those outcomes, and its decision will likely determine how much of the lawsuit survives and whether any interim protection returns. The losing side may seek rehearing and review in the Texas Supreme Court, and given the economic stakes, the relationship to Sky Marketing and the unsettled questions of administrative authority, further review would surprise no one who has followed this case.

The State’s reply gives the Fifteenth Court several procedural reasons to vacate or narrow the injunction, and some of them are good. Its central defense of the total-THC rule still depends on an expansive reading of general rulemaking authority. The Legislature set a delta-9 concentration limit; DSHS now counts THCA-derived potential delta-9 toward it. Whether Texas should regulate products by total THC is a legitimate policy question that the Legislature has debated and, so far, declined to answer. The legal question in this case is whether the Legislature had already authorized DSHS to answer it. After three appellate briefs and months of litigation, the State has yet to identify the language that says it did.

TEXAS HEMP CONSTITUTIONAL ALLIANCE LAWSUIT

THC Alliance Lawsuit Summary

 

The Texas Hemp Constitutional Alliance amended lawsuit challenges several new hemp rules adopted by the Texas Department of State Health Services (DSHS).

This lawsuit is not primarily about hemp.

According to the lawsuit, it is about whether a state agency can change laws that were written by the Texas Legislature.

In 2019, the Texas Legislature passed House Bill 1325, creating the legal framework for consumable hemp products in Texas.

According to the lawsuit, that law already addressed THCA.

For example, lawmakers required licensed hemp growers to account for THCA during pre-harvest testing.

However, when lawmakers wrote the rules for manufacturers and finished hemp products, they used different language.

Instead of requiring the same testing method, the Legislature created three different ways manufacturers could legally demonstrate compliance:

• Pre-Manufacturing Testing

• Pre-Retail Testing

• Constituent Compliance

According to the lawsuit, none of these three compliance methods require the new “total delta-9 THC” testing standard created by DSHS.

Instead, the lawsuit argues that DSHS adopted an entirely new testing standard.

According to the lawsuit, that rule doesn’t simply add another testing requirement.

It materially changes one of the Legislature’s compliance methods, completely eliminates two others, and requires new testing at stages where the statutes themselves do not require testing.

THCA joins the Blazed Weekly News Podcast this week. September 10th.

The lawsuit argues that if the Legislature wanted manufacturers to use the same testing method required of growers, it knew exactly how to say so—because it already did in another section of Texas law.

Instead, lawmakers chose different language when writing the rules for manufacturers.

According to the lawsuit, those differences were intentional and must be given meaning.

A regulator cannot void a statute it is charged with implementing.

The lawsuit argues that DSHS exceeded its authority by replacing compliance methods created by the Texas Legislature with new requirements created through agency rulemaking.

In addition to the testing requirements, the lawsuit also challenges:

• Dramatic increases in manufacturer and retailer licensing fees, arguing they exceed DSHS’s authority and amount to an unconstitutional tax.

• New packaging and labeling requirements that the lawsuit argues conflict with the statutes passed by the Texas Legislature.

If the Texas Legislature wants to change Texas law, it has every constitutional right to do so.

The lawsuit asks a different question:

Can DSHS make those changes on its own through rulemaking, or must those changes come from the Texas Legislature? In our opinion, it CANNOT!

Federal Hemp Update

Federal hemp update — September 4: There is a meaningful new development in the post-delay negotiations.

Texas Rep. Beth Van Duyne says the White House is taking the hemp issue seriously now that the December 11 extension is law. She is pushing her proposal to keep hemp-derived THC beverages federally legal under an alcohol-style framework, with age restrictions, taxation, serving limits, marketing controls and a prohibition on synthetic cannabinoids.

At the same time, Rep. Morgan Griffith is openly calling for compromise around a broader federal regulatory framework rather than prohibition. He specifically pointed to third-party testing and said his own hemp cannabinoid bill is close to what he believes Congress should enact, while acknowledging that competing proposals may need to be merged.

The opposition remains organized. Rep. Andy Harris, who helped drive the 2025 restriction, says Congress should allow the ban to take effect rather than replace it with regulations. He is opposing efforts to use the December extension to build a new legal market structure.

For Texas, Van Duyne’s role is becoming more significant: a Texas Republican is now directly arguing inside Congress for preserving at least part of the hemp-THC market rather than allowing wholesale federal prohibition.

Nothing has yet changed about the deadlines: most affected hemp products remain protected until December 11, 2026, while certain synthetic cannabinoids that cannot naturally be produced by Cannabis sativa L. remain scheduled for federal recriminalization on November 12.

The important shift is that the debate has now moved from simply “delay the ban” to active negotiations over what federal regulation could replace it.

MSO Post 2Q Gains with More Growth Setting Up for 2027

Second quarter MJ MSOs all reported strong revenue gains for the 2nd quarter(compared with 2025 quarter) running 4.6% to over 17%. with new states of Virginia, Texas and Georgia expecting to join store expansions in Ohio and Florida.    More favorable borrowing terms, a  lower IRS-280e over-taxation, the re-scheduling lift, and new sales from an expected FedHempBan led Curaleaf chairman Boris Jordan to proclaim 2027 might even arrive with higher cannabis product pricing.  Trulieve CEO Kim Rivers remains patient for “long-term institutions” to look seriously at her June NYSE uplisting offer and Ben Kovler (Green Thumb) continues to report the industry’s strongest balance sheet– having purchased another $48.3 in GTI stock, while maintaining over $283Mil. cash on hand.

“With increased demand, we see most of our grows operating at 110 percent capacity,” reported Jordan, who believes early 2027 is likely to witness a reversal in the years-old price compression which has forced operators to sell more product to maintain single-digit growth.  As the largest MSO, Curaleaf reported its 2ndQ revenues of  $340 million, a 5% sequential increase and 10% organic growth year-over-year. Reporting a 27% gain in its global operations–and hopes to continue growth in Germany, France and new initiatives in  — the company report $107Mil. in cash-on hand.   In an effort to expand its raw cannabis for its’ global expansion (joining its Spain, Canada and Portugal facilities) Curaleaf has launched a hostile bid to acquire Canada mega-grower Aurora Cannabis offering shareholders a combination of Curaleaf shares and cash that values the proposal at US$4 per Aurora share, as it seeks to combine the companies’ international cannabis operations.  Curaleaf said the offer represents a 45% premium to Aurora’s 30-day volume-weighted average price of US$2.75, or a 110% premium when excluding Aurora’s cash and cash equivalents.  Aurora management has not formally responded to the two letters sent by Curaleaf in June and July.

      For total revenues, Green Thumb reported a 4.6% gain to $306.7Mil over the prior year’s second quarter, and repurchased 8Mil GTI shares for $48.3Mil.  “It’s better to use cash for acquisitions than for rebuying shares,” offered Kovler, still committing to be ready for near-term potential M&A deals as they become more attractive.  Kolvler celebrated the recent adult sales of  his “Seniorita” low THC drinks at Chicago’s LollaPaLooza two-day festival, saying he supports a beverage carveout.  And with the hemp halt in Ohio, GTI–and other MSOs–reported a June gain of 10 to 15% in sales thought to be coming from the former hemp customer base.

Vireo Growth Inc reported strong Q2 2026 financial performance with 2nd quarter revenue of$209.3 million, a 335% year-over-year increase, and pro forma revenue exceeding $1 billion annualized.  The major Vireo focus on buying MJ distressed assets — with more than 270 stores in 15 states–through strategic acquisitions like Fluent, C21, Planet 13, and a strategic combination with California’s Glass House, and expanded Ohio entry.     The company ended the quarter with $122.7 million in cash and cash equivalents, providing significant financial flexibility.

Verano Holdings reported 2Q revenues of  $218 million, an increase of 5% versus the prior quarter, and an increase of 8% year-over-year. Gross rerported profit of $100 million, with a net loss loss of $13. million or (6)% of revenue.  Verano founder and CEO said “During the quarter, we also executed key strategic pillars to deepen our engagement in the U.S. capital markets and U.S. exchange opportunities, including repurchasing $2 million of Company stock and completing a 1-for-5 reverse stock split.”  Verano continues to hold MSO position number 4, even as the aggressive acquisition moves of VIREO Growth form a new (perhaps indigestible) collection of national distressed assets–and new momentum in deals with Planet13 and potential expansion with another new-to-NYSE top 10 player, Grass House Brands.

Simply Wall Street analysis for the stock stated: “Trulieve Cannabis now trades at a large discount to analyst targets, even after that sharp swing into a US$406 million quarterly loss.: Simply Wall Street opined, “Trulieve Cannabis pegs fair value at about $19.42, which is well above the recent $8.75 close. That gap rests on a detailed view of future margins, earnings and cash flows.”

Congress Hits the Brakes: Senate Gives Hemp Industry a Temporary Lifeline

For the first time in months, the U.S. hemp industry has reason for cautious optimism.
Just days after Texas enacted sweeping restrictions on hemp-derived THC products, lawmakers in Washington have signaled they may not be ready to pull the trigger on a nationwide federal ban. The U.S. Senate has included language in its version of a federal spending bill that would delay the implementation of proposed restrictions on intoxicating hemp products, buying the industry valuable time while Congress debates a longer-term solution.
It is not a victory—but it is a lifeline.
A Dramatic Shift in Washington
Earlier this year, congressional proposals threatened to effectively eliminate much of the hemp-derived cannabinoid market by redefining legal hemp and restricting products containing intoxicating cannabinoids such as Delta-8 THC and many hemp-derived Delta-9 formulations.
The Senate’s latest appropriations language pauses that effort instead of allowing it to move forward immediately. If ultimately adopted in the final spending package, the delay would give lawmakers additional time to craft permanent regulations instead of imposing an immediate nationwide prohibition.
For thousands of retailers, processors, farmers, distributors, and manufacturers, that breathing room could prove invaluable.
Texas Faces a Different Reality
While Congress appears willing to slow down at the federal level, Texas businesses continue navigating one of the most significant regulatory shifts in state history.
Following recent legislative changes and evolving enforcement by state agencies, many hemp retailers across Texas are reassessing their inventories, consulting attorneys, and determining which products can continue to be sold under the new legal landscape.
The contrast is striking.
Washington is discussing a pause.
Texas businesses are already adapting to immediate changes.
For retailers operating in both Texas and other states, the differing approaches create additional uncertainty as companies attempt to comply with multiple regulatory systems.
 
Why This Matters
 
A delay is far more than a procedural move.
It gives the hemp industry another opportunity to demonstrate that responsible regulation can protect consumers without destroying legitimate businesses.
Over the past several years, hemp has evolved into a multi-billion-dollar industry supporting American agriculture, manufacturing, distribution, retail, laboratories, logistics companies, and thousands of small businesses. Industry advocates argue that clear manufacturing standards, testing requirements, age restrictions, labeling rules, and enforcement against bad actors represent a better solution than broad prohibitions.
 
Whether Congress ultimately agrees remains to be seen.
The Road Ahead
The Senate language is only one step in the legislative process.
The House and Senate must still reconcile their spending bills before any language becomes law. During negotiations, provisions can be modified, removed, or strengthened. Until a final appropriations package is approved by Congress and signed by the President, the proposed delay remains exactly that—a proposal.
Nevertheless, the Senate’s action changes the conversation.
Instead of an immediate federal ban appearing inevitable, lawmakers are once again debating how hemp should be regulated rather than whether it should exist at all.
What Texas Hemp Reporter Will Be Watching
 
As negotiations continue, Our Team will closely monitor:
Whether the Senate delay language survives conference negotiations.
Any changes to the federal definition of hemp.
Guidance from federal agencies on hemp-derived cannabinoids.
How Texas enforcement develops under the state’s new laws.
Industry and legal challenges that may affect retailers.
For an industry that has endured months of uncertainty, the Senate’s move offers something it has been lacking:
Time.
Whether that time leads to meaningful reform—or simply delays another showdown—will likely define the future of the American hemp industry for years to come.

This Bud’s NOT for You

 

Sorry Texas: This Bud’s NOT for You

How the Lone Star State Went From Hemp Leader to Hemp Prohibition

For a brief moment, Texas stood at the forefront of the hemp revolution.

When House Bill 1325 became law in 2019, thousands of entrepreneurs, farmers, manufacturers, distributors, and retailers invested millions of dollars into a legal hemp marketplace built around federal law. Consumers embraced CBD, Delta-8, THCA flower, hemp-derived concentrates, beverages, gummies, and smokable products. What emerged was one of the nation’s largest hemp industries—supporting thousands of Texas jobs and generating significant tax revenue.

Fast forward to today, and much of that industry has been turned upside down.

As of July 31, 2026, enforcement of new Texas Department of State Health Services (DSHS) rules, backed by the Texas Supreme Court’s decision earlier this year, has dramatically changed the legal landscape for hemp-derived cannabinoids. Products that many retailers openly sold for years—including Delta-8, Delta-10, THCA flower, numerous concentrates, and many smokable hemp products—are now prohibited or subject to criminal enforcement under state law. Law enforcement agencies across Texas have already begun enforcing these changes.

The Great Hemp Reversal

Ironically, Governor Greg Abbott’s veto of Senate Bill 3 last year gave many Texans hope.

The governor argued that an outright legislative ban was too broad and instead called for a regulatory framework focused on testing, age restrictions, licensing, and consumer safety rather than prohibition. Many in the hemp industry believed a compromise was still possible.

Instead, the end result has been that many of the products Texans had legally purchased for years have effectively disappeared from store shelves through court decisions and administrative rulemaking.

For retailers, the distinction hardly matters.

The outcome is the same.

Retailers Left Holding the Bag

Across Texas, smoke shops, CBD stores, wellness boutiques, and independent retailers invested heavily in inventory, equipment, marketing, and employees based upon laws they believed allowed hemp-derived products.

Now many of those same business owners face difficult decisions.

Some have removed entire product categories overnight.

Others have closed locations.

Many have laid off employees.

Consumers who relied on hemp-derived products for relaxation, sleep, discomfort, or as alternatives to higher-risk substances suddenly have far fewer legal options.

Sorry Texas…

Want THCA flower?

Sorry Texas. This bud’s not for you.

Looking for Delta-8 gummies?

Sorry Texas.

Need a hemp vape?

Not anymore.

Concentrates?

Forget it.

Smokable hemp flower?

Gone.

What was once one of America’s fastest-growing hemp markets has rapidly become one of its most restrictive.

A Growing Divide

The timing is especially striking.

While Texas tightens restrictions, numerous other states continue expanding regulated cannabis and hemp markets, generating billions in economic activity, creating jobs, and collecting tax revenue.

Texas, meanwhile, has chosen a different path.

Supporters of the new restrictions argue the changes protect public health, prevent youth access, and close loopholes that allowed intoxicating hemp products to flourish.

Critics counter that prohibition rarely eliminates demand. Instead, they argue, it pushes consumers toward illicit markets while hurting legitimate businesses that followed the law as it existed.

That debate is unlikely to end anytime soon.

What’s Next?

The story isn’t over.

The federal hemp landscape will continue to evolve, Congress faces additional decisions regarding hemp policy, and legal challenges and legislative proposals are expected to continue.

For now, however, one thing is clear:

Thousands of Texas hemp businesses are navigating one of the most significant regulatory shifts since hemp was legalized in 2019.

Whether this represents the beginning of a safer marketplace—or the dismantling of an entire Texas industry—will be debated for years to come.

But for many retailers and consumers walking into their favorite hemp shop today, the message feels painfully simple:

Sorry Texas… This Bud’s NOT for You.

 

 

 

Editor’s Note: This article reflects the current regulatory environment following the July 31, 2026 implementation of DSHS rules and subsequent enforcement. It is intended as news analysis and does not constitute legal advice. Retailers and consumers should consult qualified legal counsel regarding the application of Texas law to specific products or circumstances.

The $23 Million Silence

For thirteen years, Kevin Sabet has built a career on a single, endlessly serviceable exhortation: follow the money. Smart Approaches to Marijuana — the organization he co-founded with former Congressman Patrick Kennedy in Denver in January 2013, in the raw aftermath of Colorado’s legalization vote — has made “Big Marijuana” its bogeyman and financial transparency its cudgel. The industry, SAM tells legislators from Tallahassee to Austin, is addiction-for-profit, awash in dark money and cynical lobbyists.

It is advice worth taking. So The THC Report took it. We pulled the network’s newest federal tax filings from the IRS e-file record and ran the complete 2025 and 2026 lobby registration databases published by the Texas Ethics Commission. What emerges is a portrait Sabet himself might have sketched, had the subject been anyone else: a $23 million war chest assembled almost entirely in the dark, a disclosed charity quietly starved while its unaccountable political twin balloons, a founder whose salary migrated into invoices from his own consulting firms — and a Texas influence operation that runs not through any registered SAM lobbyist, of which there are none, but through the multistate marijuana corporations whose commercial interests in prohibition happen to rhyme perfectly with SAM’s ideological ones.

The Pyramid of Pot

Three heads, one address

The SAM operation is legally three creatures sharing a single suite at 107 S. West Street in Alexandria, Virginia: SAM Inc., a 501(c)(3) charity (EIN 47-2400657); SAM Action Inc., its 501(c)(4) political arm (EIN 47-3688463); and the Foundation for Drug Policy Solutions (EIN 88-1041205), a smaller c3 vehicle. Donations to the first and third are tax-deductible and their donors face at least the theoretical discipline of charitable norms. The c4 is where politics lives — and where, under federal law, donors may remain forever anonymous.

The 2024 returns, the most recent available, tell the story in the divergence between the twins. SAM Action reported revenue of $15,865,551 — including $8,601,743 in contributions, a five-and-a-half-fold leap from the $1,576,210 it raised the year before, supplemented by $6.46 million in securities sales and $800,316 in investment income. Against that torrent, it spent a mere $1,166,233. It banked the rest, closing the year with net assets of $23,035,823.

Schedule B of the return, where contributors would be listed, is entirely restricted. Names, amounts, dates: all dark. The largest cash infusion in the organization’s history arrived precisely as the federal campaign against hemp-derived cannabinoids crested, from parties the public is not permitted to know.

The timing of the filing itself deserves a footnote in the annals of bureaucratic poetry. SAM Action’s return was submitted to the IRS on November 13, 2025 — one day after the President signed H.R. 5371, the shutdown-ending appropriations package whose Section 781 redefines federal hemp to a 0.4-milligram total-THC ceiling per container, effective November 12, 2026. The Senate had voted 76–24 just days earlier to preserve that language. Sabet told The Hill the provision was, in his words, “the biggest change in marijuana policy, I would say, in a generation,” and that his organization was proud of it. The generation-defining victory was announced on a Tuesday; the filing showing who had quietly amassed $23 million to help pay for the fight arrived, unreadable in all the ways that matter, on a Thursday.

Meanwhile the disclosed charity withered. SAM Inc.’s contributions collapsed in 2024 from $3,052,344 to $692,684. It spent $2,264,970 against $1,202,541 in revenue — a deficit of more than a million dollars — and reported $1.86 million in new liabilities. The money did not vanish from the movement. It migrated, as money in such architectures reliably does, toward the arm with no donor disclosure and the longest political leash.

The president’s invoices

Both entities’ 2024 filings check the box that nonprofit accountants least enjoy checking: Schedule L, transactions with interested persons. SAM Action’s version spells it out. Kevin A. Sabet-Sharghi — the founder’s full legal name — is the owner of two consulting firms, LUA Partners and Policy Solutions Group, Inc., which billed the organization a combined $121,322 in 2024 ($66,322 and $55,000 respectively). The disclosed scope of services: serving as the public and media contact for all three charitable organizations, communicating with advocacy consultants and key policymakers, and helping design a comprehensive plan of action.

Set beside the compensation tables, the arrangement acquires a certain elegance. Sabet’s reported W-2 compensation from SAM Inc. was $154,224 in 2021. It fell to $104,941 in 2022, then $78,927 in 2023, and finally to $6,668 in 2024 — budget dust in an organization whose executive vice president, Luke Niforatos, drew $231,946 plus benefits the same year. The founder’s compensation did not so much shrink as change costumes: from a salary line that watchdogs and reporters scrutinize into consulting invoices from companies he owns, disclosed in a schedule most readers never reach. All of it is lawful; all of it is reported; none of it is the posture of an organization whose stock-in-trade is lecturing others about financial hygiene.

Where the war chest points

Schedule I shows where SAM Action’s money went when it went anywhere at all. The organization granted $128,600 to the Coalition for Safe Communities in Beverly, Massachusetts, and $100,000 to Keep Florida Clean Inc. in Tallahassee — each grant explicitly designated, in the filing’s own words, to support state ballot initiatives against legalization — plus $10,000 to Protect Our Kids in Colorado. This is the model SAM has run for a decade, from California in 2016 to Michigan in 2018: national money, raised centrally and often anonymously, deployed into state fights under locally wholesome letterhead. The $23 million now sitting in Alexandria is a promissory note against every state campaign to come. Texas legislators convening in January 2027 might reasonably wonder how much of it has their names on it.

The Texas registry: absence, and presence

Here is what the Texas Ethics Commission’s complete lobby databases for 2025 and 2026 show about Smart Approaches to Marijuana: nothing. No SAM entity appears as a client. Neither Sabet nor Niforatos nor any officer of the network holds a Texas lobby registration. The organization whose rhetoric echoes through Senator Charles Perry’s committee hearings and the Lieutenant Governor’s press conferences maintains no registered presence in Austin whatsoever. The nearest ideological kin on the registry is Texans for Safe and Drug-Free Youth, represented both years by lobbyist Shelton Green.

What the registry does show is who else has been arming up — and when. Green Thumb Industries, freshly minted as a Texas Compassionate Use conditional licensee, registered three Austin lobbyists on October 8, 2025, weeks after the HB 46 license awards. Verano Holdings carries a four-lobbyist team into 2026, led by Robert Miller. And Trulieve, the largest of the multistate operators, has assembled something closer to a phalanx: Lara Keel’s registration jumped two prospective compensation bands between 2025 and 2026, into the $100,000-to-$149,999 range; Will Yarnell registered for Trulieve Texas on April 10, 2026; Allison Billodeau for Trulieve Holdings on June 26.

The Notice Nobody Was Supposed to Notice

Friday, tucked between a scratch-ticket rulebook and a batch of wastewater fines in the back pages of the Texas Register, the Department of State Health Services quietly finished a fight it started five years ago. The notice — 51 TexReg 4597, filed June 25, signed out by DSHS General Counsel Cynthia Hernandez under interim Commissioner Imelda Garcia — reinstates the agency’s 2021 modifications to two entries in the state’s Schedule I: tetrahydrocannabinols and marihuana extract.

If that sounds like administrative housekeeping, understand what the housekeeping accomplishes. Since November of 2021, when Judge Jan Soifer enjoined those definitions in the Sky Marketing case, the entire Texas delta-8 market has operated under the protection of that injunction. On May 1, the Texas Supreme Court took it away, reversing the courts below and siding with the agency. The mandate issued June 5. Friday’s notice is DSHS closing the loop — republishing the definitions exactly as they stood before the injunction, as though the intervening five years were a rounding error.

They were not a rounding error. They were the years this industry was built in.

What the Definitions Actually Say

The reinstated tetrahydrocannabinols entry sweeps in every THC naturally contained in the cannabis plant except one thing: up to 0.3 percent delta-9 in hemp as defined by the Agriculture Code. It then reaches further, to synthetic equivalents, derivatives, and isomers with similar chemical structure and pharmacological activity, and it names the cis and trans variants at multiple positions before adding the kicker — because chemical nomenclature isn’t internationally standardized, compounds of these structures are covered regardless of the numerical designation of atomic positions. That last clause exists for one reason: so nobody can renumber their way out of Schedule I.

The marihuana extract entry does parallel work on the processing side. An extract containing any cannabinoid from any cannabis plant is Schedule I unless it’s derived from hemp and holds under 0.3 percent delta-9 on a dry weight basis — and even then, separated resin, crude or purified, gets no exemption at all.

Read the two entries together and the state’s position is stark. Naturally occurring hemp material and genuinely hemp-derived extracts under the delta-9 threshold remain outside the schedule. Everything else in the family — delta-8, delta-10, THC-O, THCP, HHC, and above all anything converted or synthesized, which as a matter of practical chemistry describes most of the commercial delta-8 ever sold in this state — now sits inside it.

This Is an Enforcement Story, Not a Paperwork Story

Here is the part that needs saying without any softening: this notice will be read by police chiefs, sheriffs, and district attorneys as a permission slip.

Five days before it published, the Senate Health and Human Services Committee staged its interim hearing on THC, and I use the word staged advisedly. The witness table was cast like a morality play: the Allen police chief who ran the North Texas raids, a sheriff, a DA, a traveling anti-THC activist who called the products a weapon of mass destruction, and a committee vice-chair who invoked Nancy Reagan by name, promised a new ban bill for January, and expressed his hope — out loud, on the record — that the state’s new fees would put most of the industry out of business. That was the season premiere of Reefer Madness, Texas edition. Friday’s notice is the prop department handing the cast real ammunition.

An officer who wanted to seize delta-8 in 2023 had to reckon with an injunction and a genuinely murky legal landscape. That officer now has a published Schedule I listing, a Supreme Court opinion behind it, and a political climate in which raids make careers rather than end them. Chief Steve Dye told the committee his labs found seized products testing far above their labels; expect that playbook — seize, test, charge — to travel. There remain real defense arguments about how the schedules interact with the Health and Safety Code’s penalty groups and the hemp statutes, and good lawyers will make them. But an argument made from a defense table is a categorically worse position than an argument never made at all. Retailers and distributors should plan for enforcement and let the lawyers’ arguments be their parachute rather than their plan.

Look at Your Shelves This Week

For anyone holding inventory, the practical assignment is an unsentimental review, done promptly and documented as you go. Walk the warehouse with the definitions in hand. Anything containing or marketed as containing delta-8, delta-10, THC-O, THCP, HHC, or any other THC isomer or analogue belongs in the flagged column. So does anything produced by chemical conversion — delta-8 made from CBD is the textbook case. So does any extract, distillate, or concentrate whose paperwork can’t actually demonstrate hemp origin and sub-threshold delta-9 on a dry weight basis, and any separated resin product, which the exemption pointedly declines to cover. THCA flower and pre-rolls were already casualties of the March 31 total-THC rules and belong on the same list.

For everything flagged, pull the certificates of analysis and read them skeptically: is the lab accredited, does the method measure total THC post-decarboxylation, does the supplier’s story hold up. Where the chemistry is synthetic or the paper trail is thin, quarantine the product and get advice from qualified counsel — and I’ll offer the standing caveat, with affection: I’m a strategist, not a lawyer, and nothing here substitutes for the real thing.

A word, too, for the kratom and mushroom sectors, who may be feeling like spectators: you’re not. Nothing in Friday’s notice touches mitragynine or amanita. But anyone who watched the July 7 hearing noticed its shape — a committee that has learned it can prosecute an entire product category through interim charges, curated witness lists, and administrative reclassification, without ever passing a bill. Hemp is the test case. The machinery being assembled will not be dismantled when it finishes with THC.

The Case We Get to Make

Now the better news, because there is some, and it isn’t decorative.

Prohibitions born of administrative maneuver are less durable than prohibitions born of statute, and this one arrives wearing its weaknesses openly. The Governor vetoed the ban the Legislature passed and asked for regulation instead — that veto message remains the most authoritative statement of Texas policy on this subject. The committee’s own invited expert, Baker Institute drug policy fellow Katharine Neill Harris, told the senators to their faces that they were conflating cannabis with mental illness and homelessness. The sheriff they called, Chambers County’s Brian Hawthorne, testified that what rural Texas actually needs is mental health deputies and telehealth, not a ban. And Senator Charles Perry’s confession that the fee structure is designed to bankrupt registrants — “the cost of doing business is going to get so high that most of them will go out of business, I hope” — is the kind of quote that wins lawsuits and editorial boards alike.

That is raw material, and the interim is when it gets shaped. The committee accepts written testimony, and the record being built right now is the record the 2027 session will legislate from. Businesses that can walk into that fight with clean inventories, accredited lab results, and documented compliance are the living rebuttal to the claim that this industry can’t be regulated because it can’t be trusted. The argument that wins this — the only one that ever has — is that regulation demonstrably works and prohibition demonstrably doesn’t: it forfeits the testing, the labeling, the age-gating, and the tax revenue, and hands the market to people who don’t return phone calls from the state.

The next six months decide whether these products return to Texas shelves as legal, regulated items or disappear into the same gray market the state claims to fear. Get your houses in order, and get your stories on the record — preferably before someone with a badge asks for them.


Sources: Texas Register, Vol. 51, July 10, 2026, at 4597–4604 (TRD-202602610); Sky Marketing Corp. v. Texas Dep’t of State Health Servs. (Tex., opinion May 1, 2026; mandate June 5, 2026); Texas Senate Committee on Health & Human Services interim hearing, July 7, 2026.

Ken Paxton, affair Priority over Nations 250th Birth

 

Ken Paxton Faces Fresh Scrutiny After Reported Iceland Trip During Heated Senate Campaign

AUSTIN, Texas — Texas Attorney General and Republican U.S. Senate candidate Ken Paxton is once again at the center of political controversy after reports and video surfaced showing him traveling to Iceland with a woman identified in multiple media reports as Christian author and influencer Tracy Duhon.

The footage, first reported by British tabloid The Daily Mail and later covered by several Texas news outlets, reportedly shows Paxton and Duhon boarding a flight from Washington Dulles International Airport to Reykjavik, Iceland. The two were also reportedly seen together after arriving in Iceland.

The trip comes as Paxton continues his campaign for the U.S. Senate and while divorce proceedings with his wife, Texas State Sen. Angela Paxton, remain ongoing. Angela Paxton filed for divorce in 2025, citing “biblical grounds” following reports of her husband’s alleged relationship with Duhon.

The timing of the vacation has quickly become campaign ammunition for Paxton’s political opponents. Democratic leaders criticized the attorney general for leaving the country ahead of Independence Day celebrations, arguing that the trip sends the wrong message while many Texans continue to struggle with inflation and rising living costs.

Paxton has not publicly commented on the travel reports.

The controversy adds to a long list of legal and political challenges that have followed the attorney general throughout his career. Over the past several years, Paxton has faced a securities fraud indictment, an impeachment by the Texas House, whistleblower allegations, and multiple ethics-related investigations. Although he survived impeachment and continues to deny wrongdoing, those controversies remain a central issue in his statewide campaigns.

The Iceland trip also arrives as polling suggests Texas’ U.S. Senate race is becoming increasingly competitive. With both parties investing heavily in the race, personal controversies are likely to remain part of the campaign conversation in the months leading up to Election Day.

Whether the latest headlines ultimately affect voters remains to be seen, but the incident has once again placed one of Texas’ most polarizing political figures under an intense media spotlight.

Smoke, Science, and Stigma: What 20 Years of Cannabis Research Really Says About Lung Health

For generations, cannabis opponents leaned heavily on one of prohibition’s most familiar
warnings: smoke enough marijuana, and your lungs would inevitably pay the price much like
cigarettes.

But one of the most significant long-term pulmonary studies ever conducted tells a far more
nuanced story.

Published in the Journal of the American Medical Association, the federally funded CARDIA
study followed more than 5,000 young adults over a 20-year period, examining how both
tobacco and cannabis impacted respiratory health over time. Researchers entered the study
expecting cannabis smokers to show a similar pattern of declining lung function seen in tobacco
users.

The data surprised them.
While cigarette smokers experienced the expected progressive reduction in pulmonary
performance, moderate cannabis users largely did not. In fact, many cannabis consumers
maintained normal lung function, and some even demonstrated slightly increased forced vital
capacity, a key measurement of how much air the lungs can hold, compared to both non-smokers
and tobacco smokers.

This finding became one of the more controversial outcomes in cannabis respiratory research,
largely because it challenged decades of public assumptions.
Dr. Donald Tashkin, a UCLA pulmonologist and one of the most respected researchers in

cannabis lung studies, spent years investigating whether marijuana smoke carried the same long-
term dangers as tobacco. His work consistently found that while heavy cannabis smoking could

contribute to airway irritation and bronchitis-like symptoms, it did not produce the same strong
link to emphysema, severe lung damage, or lung cancer that tobacco smoking clearly
demonstrated.

That distinction is critical.

For decades, anti-cannabis messaging often blurred the line between tobacco and marijuana
smoke, implying similar health outcomes despite mounting evidence that their long-term
physiological effects may differ substantially.

Researchers have proposed multiple reasons for the disparity. Cannabis users generally smoke
less frequently than tobacco users, often consume fewer total inhalations per day, and
cannabinoids themselves may interact differently with inflammation and respiratory pathways.
Some experts have even suggested that the deep inhalation techniques common among cannabis

consumers could contribute to stronger respiratory muscle conditioning, though this remains an
area requiring further study.

To be clear, none of this means smoking cannabis is harmless.
Combusting plant material of any kind introduces irritants and toxins into the lungs. Heavy
cannabis use can still trigger chronic cough, increased phlegm production, and airway
inflammation. Alternative consumption methods such as vaporization, edibles, tinctures, or
beverages may ultimately offer safer long-term respiratory options.

But the larger takeaway remains important: cannabis does not appear to fit neatly into the same
respiratory risk profile as tobacco, despite years of political rhetoric suggesting otherwise.
For the modern cannabis movement, these findings reinforce an increasingly familiar theme:
much of what society was taught about cannabis during the height of prohibition was often
exaggerated, incomplete, or filtered through ideological agendas rather than objective science.
As legalization expands and research barriers continue to fall, studies like CARDIA help reshape
the conversation from fear-based assumptions to evidence-based understanding.
Cannabis is not a miracle substance, nor is it entirely without risk.

But when one of America’s largest long-term respiratory studies found that moderate cannabis
users often maintained healthier lung function than expected, it became clear that the plant’s
health profile is far more complex than decades of propaganda ever allowed.

In the end, perhaps the most dangerous thing about cannabis was never the smoke itself.
It may have been the misinformation surrounding it.

Did DSHS Just Tell the Hemp Industry to Ignore Its Own Rules Until After the Election?

A motion for rehearing tells a strange story…..

 

There are moments in public policy when the mask slips.

According to a motion filed Sunday in the Fifteenth Court of Appeals, representatives of the Texas Department of State Health Services have allegedly been telling licensed hemp businesses not to worry about complying with some of the agency’s most controversial new hemp regulations because those provisions are not currently being enforced—and may not be enforced until after November.

Yes, November.

If true, the implications are staggering. Not merely because regulators would be quietly suspending enforcement of rules they spent months promulgating and defending in court, but because the explanation allegedly offered by agency personnel raises an even more troubling possibility: that politically inconvenient enforcement actions are being deferred until voters have cast their ballots.

The allegation appears in a Motion for Rehearing filed by the Texas Hemp Business Council and other plaintiffs challenging DSHS’s new hemp rules. The filing includes sworn affidavits from industry figures Lukas Gilkey and Kevin Salganik describing recorded conversations with a senior DSHS inspector. According to the motion, the inspector stated that DSHS legal staff and supervisors had instructed personnel not to enforce the agency’s new “total THC” standard and to revert licensing fees to their previous levels.

More remarkably, the inspector allegedly told one caller that “November” represented the likely timeline because “midterms and a lot of other stuff comes open.”

One need not be especially cynical to understand why such a statement might attract attention.

A Curious Change of Heart

Only weeks ago, Texas argued to the Court of Appeals that maintaining an injunction against the new rules would substantially harm the state by preventing DSHS from enforcing its revised regulatory framework. The state vigorously opposed temporary relief, insisting that the agency needed the ability to immediately implement its new total THC standard and dramatically increased licensing fees.

Yet, according to the newly filed motion, once the appellate court dissolved the injunction, DSHS personnel allegedly began telling industry participants the exact opposite.

“Don’t worry about total THC,” one inspector allegedly told a caller. “We’re not going to enforce anything with total THC.”

Another statement attributed to the same inspector is even more direct: “Something has changed. We’re not doing total.”

If these statements accurately reflect agency policy, the obvious question is simple: what changed?

Neither DSHS nor the Attorney General’s office has publicly announced any suspension of enforcement. No emergency guidance appears to have been issued. No formal rulemaking has been initiated. Instead, according to multiple industry participants, the agency has apparently been communicating this information privately, one telephone call at a time.

Regulation by whisper campaign is an unusual administrative model.
Government by Ambiguity

The immediate casualty of such an approach is legal certainty.

Texas hemp operators occupy one of the most heavily scrutinized and politically contentious regulatory environments in the state. Licenses, inventory, contracts, supply chains, laboratory testing, insurance coverage, and financing decisions all depend upon businesses understanding what the rules are and, equally important, whether those rules will actually be enforced.

At present, industry participants appear to be confronting an impossible dilemma.

Should they comply with the newly adopted total THC standard—potentially destroying existing inventories, disrupting supply chains, and imposing massive costs—or should they rely on verbal assurances from DSHS personnel that the rules are not presently being enforced?

Neither option is attractive.

Businesses that continue operating under preexisting standards risk future enforcement actions if the agency reverses course. Businesses that voluntarily comply with rules the agency itself is allegedly declining to enforce may simply put themselves out of business unnecessarily.

This is not regulatory oversight. It is regulatory roulette.

The Election Question

The most explosive aspect of the filing is, unsurprisingly, political.

The hemp plaintiffs suggest that DSHS’s alleged enforcement pause may reflect an effort to avoid public backlash before the November elections. The evidence offered for this proposition is limited principally to the inspector’s reported comments regarding “November,” elections, and future enforcement.

Whether a court ultimately finds such allegations persuasive is another matter entirely. Judges are generally reluctant to infer political motives absent substantial evidence, and state officials would undoubtedly deny that electoral considerations play any role in enforcement decisions.

Nevertheless, the allegation itself highlights an uncomfortable reality facing Texas policymakers.

For the last two legislative sessions, elected officials have repeatedly portrayed the hemp industry as an urgent public health threat requiring immediate and aggressive intervention. If that characterization is accurate, delaying enforcement until after an election would be difficult to justify. Legitimate public dangers, after all, do not customarily observe campaign calendars.

Conversely, if the agency truly believes enforcement can safely wait until November—or beyond—it inevitably raises questions regarding the urgency and necessity of the regulations in the first place.

Those are questions legislators and regulators may eventually have to answer.

The Larger Problem

Whatever happens in the litigation, the episode illustrates a deeper pathology in Texas cannabis policy.

The state has spent years attempting to maintain an increasingly implausible distinction between a tightly controlled medical marijuana program serving a relatively small patient population and a broadly accessible hemp marketplace that millions of Texans have embraced.

The resulting contradictions have produced exactly what one would expect: lawsuits, inconsistent enforcement, market instability, and administrative confusion.

Businesses are left attempting to divine regulatory intent from hallway conversations and telephone calls. Agencies are forced to reconcile statutory language with political demands. Consumers are left uncertain about which products are lawful today and which may become contraband tomorrow.

No industry—least of all one employing tens of thousands of Texans—can operate indefinitely under those conditions. Which perhaps is the point.

If the allegations contained in the hemp plaintiffs’ latest filing are accurate, the state’s regulators may have inadvertently demonstrated precisely why the Court of Appeals should restore the injunction pending appeal: because when the agency itself cannot clearly articulate what rules are in force, regulated parties cannot reasonably be expected to comply with them.

The law is supposed to provide notice.

It is not supposed to require a phone tree.

DEA’s June 29 Hearing Could Reshape the Future of Cannabis Capital Markets

DEA’s June 29 Hearing Could Reshape the Future of Cannabis Capital Market

The cannabis industry is once again approaching a historic crossroads.

On June 29, 2026, the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) will begin a new administrative hearing to determine whether marijuana should broadly move from Schedule I to Schedule III under the Controlled Substances Act.

For decades, cannabis businesses have operated inside a bizarre legal contradiction: legal under state law in much of America, but still treated federally as a Schedule I narcotic alongside heroin. That classification has kept the industry trapped outside traditional banking, institutional investing, senior stock exchanges, and mainstream capital markets.

Now the federal government appears to be reconsidering that position.

In April, the Department of Justice and DEA already issued a major shift by moving state-licensed medical marijuana operations and certain FDA-approved cannabis products into Schedule III classifications under federal law.

But the June 29 hearing is potentially much bigger.

The key question now becomes:

Will the DEA finally abandon the long-held federal position that all marijuana commerce constitutes “drug trafficking” under federal law?

If that wall begins to crack, the financial consequences could be enormous.

Today, many major financial institutions remain cautious because cannabis businesses still trigger anti-money laundering compliance issues, Suspicious Activity Reports (SARs), and federal criminal exposure. Even publicly traded cannabis companies face limitations with institutional banking, lending, custody services, and access to major exchanges.

A broader Schedule III framework could begin changing that.

Industry analysts believe the biggest immediate impact may come through the removal of IRS Code 280E penalties, which currently prevent cannabis operators from deducting ordinary business expenses.

But beyond taxes lies the real long-term prize:

institutional capital.

If federal agencies such as FinCEN, Treasury, and banking regulators begin treating licensed cannabis businesses more like regulated industries instead of criminal enterprises, Wall Street may finally enter the sector in force.

That could eventually open the door for:

Senior exchange listings

Traditional lending

Institutional banking

Expanded venture capital access

Retirement and pension fund exposure

Broader custody and clearing support

Large-scale mergers and acquisitions

Interstate investment expansion

Some legal experts caution that Schedule III alone does not fully legalize recreational cannabis federally. Adult-use marijuana businesses would still exist in a gray zone unless Congress acts further.

Still, many insiders believe the June hearing represents the first serious federal discussion about collapsing the distinction between state medical and recreational cannabis markets.

If federally recognized medical cannabis becomes normalized inside regulated state systems, pressure will grow rapidly to treat licensed recreational operators similarly — especially in states where the same companies operate both systems side-by-side.

That possibility has investors watching closely.

For years, cannabis entrepreneurs have argued that the industry cannot mature while federal regulators continue labeling licensed operators as traffickers despite billions in state tax revenue and legal commerce.

The June 29 DEA hearing may determine whether Washington is finally ready to move cannabis from the shadows of prohibition into the framework of regulated American capitalism.

And if that happens, cannabis may stop being viewed as an underground industry — and start being treated like a legitimate American commodity market.

 

 

The Arithmetic of Ambition

When the Texas Department of Public Safety announced its corrected tabulation methodology for the Compassionate Use Program expansion on May 8, 2026—more than a month after the original awards—it did so with the bureaucratic understatement for which government agencies are justly famous. A “correction” to the “tabulation methodology,” the agency explained, had required a recalculation of conditional license awards. Three companies previously selected would lose their provisional awards. Three companies previously excluded would gain them. The department assured everyone that nothing of substance had changed—only the math.

This is either deeply reassuring or deeply troubling, depending on whether you’re among the winners or losers in this particular reshuffling. For anyone paying attention to the trajectory of cannabis regulation in Texas, however, it should feel grimly familiar.

The Architecture of Error

Let’s stipulate the technical facts first, because they matter. In August 2025, DPS published a document indicating that four scoring categories in the TCUP expansion process would each receive equal weighting—25 percent of the total score. Applicants reviewed this document. Presumably, they structured their proposals accordingly. The department took applications through mid-September 2025, then began the laborious process of evaluation.

On December 1, 2025, DPS announced nine conditional Phase I licenses. On April 1, 2026, it announced three additional Phase II licenses, bringing the total to twelve. By all public appearances, the matter was settled. Licensed operators began the compliance infrastructure necessary for eventual dispensing. Unlicensed companies digested their rejection and explored alternatives. The cannabis industry, accustomed to regulatory volatility, moved on.

Then, after the score sheets became public, DPS identified what it called a “tabulation error.” The methodology used to calculate final scores, it explained, had not actually applied the 25-percent equal weighting published in the August document. Instead, someone had been weighting individual line items differently. The department had, in other words, scored applicants against criteria fundamentally different from those it had publicly promised—and then only noticed the discrepancy after the awards were announced and publicized…