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Washington’s Two-Handed Approach to Hemp

Medicare just became the nation’s first large-scale, reliable buyer of hemp — provided you are old enough, sick enough, and compliant enough to qualify. Everyone else — the twenty-something vaping a delta-8 cart in Austin, the Hill Country soccer mom with a bag of sleep gummies — is staring down a federal crackdown capable of erasing most of the existing retail market within a year. That split screen is the essential fact of American drug policy in 2026: Grandma’s CBD has received its federal blessing, while corner-store delta-8 is being fitted for the gallows.

The $500 Olive Branch, and What It Actually Means

On April 1, the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services quietly activated a pilot program allowing certain seniors to receive up to $500 annually in hemp-derived products through participating provider groups. Don’t mistake this for a subsidy program or a reward card you swipe at the Buc-ee’s hemp counter. Beneficiaries cannot walk into their local shop, save the receipt, and bill Washington. Instead, CMS will reimburse organizations operating inside select Innovation Center models — ACO REACH, Enhancing Oncology, and LEAD — up to $500 per eligible patient, with those organizations controlling which products are furnished as part of clinician-guided care plans. The federal government is not subsidizing brands. It is commissioning a tightly controlled cannabinoid experiment on its own terms.

The strings attached are considerable. Products must be hemp-derived and remain within the 0.3 percent delta-9 THC limit established by the 2018 Farm Bill, along with a hard cap of only a few milligrams of total THC per serving. Inhalables, synthetics, and anything with obvious intoxicating potential are excluded. Certain patients — those with disqualifying conditions including some substance use disorders and serious pulmonary disease — are carved out entirely. Dollars flow to accountable care organizations and similar entities, not to beneficiaries directly, which means clinicians and administrators control the tap. For Texas seniors, particularly in rural communities, “legal hemp” is about to acquire a respectable institutional twin: doctor-approved, chart-notated, dispensed through credentialed intermediaries rather than the shop on the frontage road.

FDA’s Wink and Nod — and Who It Leaves Out

To prevent the pilot from colliding with existing law on its first day, the Food and Drug Administration issued a new enforcement memorandum focused on Medicare-linked hemp products. The agency has spent years insisting that CBD in food and supplements occupies an unresolved regulatory gray zone. Now it is signaling a narrow pocket of “enforcement discretion” — an official look-the-other-way — when CBD is dispensed under clinician guidance inside CMS models and meets strict safety, labeling, and potency standards.

That carve-out does not extend to the broader Texas hemp marketplace. Retail tinctures, gummies, beverages, and vapes sold directly to consumers remain burdened by the same unresolved FDA questions, patchwork state rules, and ever-present risk that a compliance misstep converts inventory into contraband. Even brands that have invested seriously in rigorous testing, GMP-style production, and responsible labeling gain no special status from the fact that CMS is quietly paying for distant cousins of their products. Washington has blessed cannabinoid use in a narrow, medicalized lane — and left the general market precisely where it was, except for one item buried in a shutdown bill that threatens to blow everything else up.

The 0.4mg Time Bomb

While the Medicare pilot is launching, a separate piece of federal policy is counting down. Buried in last year’s government funding package to end a shutdown, Congress rewrote the federal definition of “hemp” to impose a hard ceiling of 0.4 milligrams of total THC per finished container — in addition to the already-familiar 0.3 percent delta-9 THC by dry weight. Any hemp-derived cannabinoid product exceeding that threshold will, once the law takes full effect, no longer qualify as hemp at all.

The numbers involved are not abstractions. Lawyers and analysts tracking the change warn that the cap would disqualify virtually all existing full-spectrum and intoxicating hemp products, along with a meaningful share of mainstream CBD items that contain trace THC exceeding the 0.4mg floor across a full bottle. Trade groups and beverage-law specialists estimate that 95 percent or more of current ingestible hemp products are over the line. In Texas alone, estimates peg the hemp market at roughly $8 billion, supported by thousands of jobs in farming, processing, distribution, and retail — an industry that would be, in the words circulating through trade commentary, “effectively shut down” if the cap is enforced as written. What was packaged inside the Beltway as a fix to the “intoxicating hemp loophole” looks, from the I-35 corridor, like a controlled demolition of an industry Washington once invited people to build.

Texas: Fresh Off a Victory, Walking Into an Ambush

No state illustrates the whiplash more vividly than Texas. Earlier this year, a hard push to ban hemp-derived THC products — spearheaded by Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick, backed by substantial Republican leadership — ran headlong into a mobilized hemp industry and a governor who ultimately vetoed the ban. The fight was real: hearing rooms filled, phone lines lit up, and small business owners made the case that prohibition would gut a multi-billion-dollar market. When the veto ink dried, many Texas operators concluded they had bought themselves at least a few years of breathing room.

Then came the federal shutdown deal. Buried in that compromise is the 0.4mg cap that accomplishes, at the national level, almost exactly what the failed Texas ban would have accomplished within one state. Nearly all consumable hemp products with any meaningful THC content become unlawful — not just in Houston and Lubbock but in Boise and Buffalo. The same operators who spent months fighting Austin now find themselves on the receiving end of a Washington decision they had virtually no hand in shaping. The sense of ambush is not rhetorical. It is palpable in every industry conversation and in local coverage from San Antonio to Dallas.

A Split Screen Made for Political Conflict

The juxtaposition is difficult to ignore. On one side of the screen, Medicare dips a cautious institutional toe into hemp, allowing clinicians in select models to furnish carefully constrained CBD and low-THC products as part of structured care plans. On the other, Congress and federal agencies have redefined hemp in a way that treats nearly anything beyond a trace as beyond the pale. One program recognizes cannabinoids as legitimate tools for managing pain, sleep, and chronic conditions — provided they arrive small, boring, and physician-mediated. The other treats any cannabinoid product that people actually choose to buy as a loophole to be sealed.

For Texas officeholders, this creates a set of choices that will not stay quiet. Supporting the federal 0.4mg cap means endorsing a Washington compromise that threatens to dismantle an $8 billion in-state industry that their own voters just finished defending against a home-grown ban. Backing the Medicare pilot, on the other hand, means conceding that cannabinoids are legitimate medicine for the very population most likely to appear in Republican primary elections — which undercuts a good deal of the rhetoric used to justify state-level crackdowns. Trying to ignore the contradiction does not make it disappear. Washington is now setting the terms for a sector that Texas policymakers thought they had partially tamed on their own.

Two Experiments, One State on the Line

From a policy standpoint, the United States is running two concurrent experiments. In the Medicare pilot, CMS and its partners will gather data on whether clinician-guided hemp products reduce pain, improve sleep, or lower downstream costs in selected patient populations, using the $500 annual ceiling as both incentive and constraint. In the broader economy, the new hemp definition and 0.4mg cap will test how resilient an industry can be when its core products are redefined into illegality by a few lines in a funding bill nobody was watching closely enough.

For Texas, which embraced hemp as a politically viable middle ground when broader cannabis reform remained a bridge too far, the stakes of both experiments are anything but theoretical. Producers, processors, and retailers were told the rules: test your products, get licensed, pay your taxes, and you can build a durable business under state and federal law. Now they are learning that the most important rule was always subject to renegotiation in a distant capital, with local investment and livelihoods treated as acceptable collateral. Whether Texas responds to that reality with the same ferocity it brought to Austin, or accepts it as the price of playing in a federally defined market, will say a great deal about whose experiment this actually is — and who gets to survive it.

The Texas Hemp Regulatory Clampdown

Why the New DSHS Rules Demand Immediate Legal Challenge

 

The Department of State Health Services has finalized sweeping amendments to 25 Texas Administrative Code Chapter 300, the regulatory framework governing the manufacture, distribution, and retail sale of consumable hemp products in Texas. These revisions, adopted by the Texas Health and Human Services Commission, represent the most aggressive regulatory intervention in the hemp market since HB 1325 legalized the industry in 2019.

The agency presents these changes as a routine response to Executive Order GA-56 issued by Governor Greg Abbott on September 10, 2025, which directed regulators to strengthen age restrictions, testing standards, and compliance requirements within the hemp marketplace. What has emerged, however, is not a modest regulatory update. It is a sweeping administrative rewrite of the legal framework governing hemp commerce in Texas.

The record of the rulemaking itself reveals the depth of concern surrounding these changes. During the public comment period, DSHS received 1,421 comments from retailers, manufacturers, trade associations, advocacy groups, and individual citizens. The overwhelming majority opposed the proposed rules, warning that the measures would exceed statutory authority, impose crushing costs on lawful businesses, and destabilize a market that the Texas Legislature deliberately created. DSHS acknowledged these objections but largely dismissed them, adopting most of the rules substantially as proposed.

The final result is a regulatory package that raises serious constitutional, statutory, and administrative law concerns.


Administrative Overreach Masquerading as Regulation

HB 1325 was enacted with a clear and limited purpose: to establish a lawful marketplace for hemp products consistent with federal law. The statute authorized DSHS to regulate manufacturing, distribution, and retail sale of consumable hemp products. It did not authorize the agency to extinguish the industry through administrative maneuver.

Yet the newly adopted rules risk doing exactly that.

The amendments impose annual licensing fees of $10,000 per facility for manufacturers and $5,000 per location for retailers, dramatically increasing the cost of participating in the hemp marketplace. DSHS justified these increases as necessary to fund inspections, laboratory testing, administrative enforcement proceedings, and cooperative enforcement activities with the Texas Alcoholic Beverage Commission and the Department of Public Safety.

These are not minor adjustments. They represent a structural shift toward an enforcement-heavy regime that treats hemp businesses less like ordinary retailers and more like regulated vice industries. For small operators, particularly independent shops serving rural communities, the new fee structure alone may prove unsustainable.


The THCA Redefinition: A Regulatory End-Run Around the Legislature

The most consequential change lies in the agency’s redefinition of how THC content is calculated.

Under the amended rules, laboratories must calculate “total THC” by including tetrahydrocannabinolic acid (THCA) along with delta-9 THC, accounting for the chemical conversion of THCA into THC during heating.

At first glance, the change appears technical. In reality, it carries sweeping consequences for the marketplace.

Many hemp flower products sold lawfully in Texas contain THCA levels that exceed the 0.3 percent delta-9 THC threshold once conversion is taken into account. By redefining THC to include the theoretical conversion of THCA, regulators have effectively rendered large segments of the hemp flower market unlawful without any vote by the Texas Legislature.

This maneuver illustrates a classic form of administrative overreach. Agencies possess authority to interpret statutes and implement regulations. They do not possess authority to rewrite legislative policy decisions through regulatory interpretation.


A Compliance Structure Designed to Break the Market

The amended rules also impose an expansive network of compliance obligations across the entire hemp supply chain.

Manufacturers must conduct extensive testing for cannabinoid content, residual solvents, pesticides, heavy metals, and microbiological contaminants. Retailers must verify packaging compliance, maintain documentation, and ensure that every product meets detailed labeling requirements derived from federal food regulations.

The rules further authorize unannounced inspections by DSHS and the Texas Alcoholic Beverage Commission, and businesses must consent to these inspections as a condition of obtaining or maintaining licensure.

Taken individually, many of these provisions might appear manageable. Taken together, they create a dense regulatory architecture that will strain even well-capitalized operators. Smaller businesses, which form the backbone of the Texas hemp retail sector, may find the cumulative burden impossible to sustain.


The Political Context Behind the Rulemaking

These regulatory changes did not arise in a political vacuum.

For several years, prohibition-minded officials have attempted to frame hemp as a public safety crisis, despite the absence of credible evidence supporting such claims. Legislative attempts to impose sweeping bans have repeatedly encountered resistance from industry stakeholders and lawmakers who recognize the economic importance of the hemp market.

Faced with those obstacles, policymakers have increasingly turned to administrative rulemaking as an alternative route to impose restrictions that could not easily pass through the legislative process.

This approach carries an undeniable political logic. Regulations can accomplish quietly what legislation struggles to achieve publicly. But that strategy also carries legal risks, because administrative agencies remain bound by the limits of statutory authority.

When those limits are exceeded, the courts provide the proper forum for correction.


Why a Lawsuit Should Be Filed Immediately

The Texas hemp industry now faces a pivotal decision. Businesses can attempt to comply with a regulatory regime that threatens their economic survival, or they can challenge the legality of these rules in court.

A legal challenge is not merely justified. It is essential.

Several fundamental legal questions demand judicial review. One concerns whether DSHS exceeded the authority granted under Texas Health and Safety Code Chapter 443 by effectively redefining hemp through the inclusion of THCA conversion in total THC calculations. Another concerns whether the agency imposed regulatory burdens, particularly licensing fees and compliance requirements, that are disproportionate or unsupported by legislative authorization. A third concerns whether the rulemaking process itself complied with the procedural requirements of the Texas Administrative Procedure Act, which obligates agencies to provide meaningful justification for regulatory changes and to engage seriously with public objections.

These are precisely the kinds of disputes that courts exist to resolve.


The Industry’s Moment of Decision

Texas now stands at a crossroads.

One path leads toward a tightly restricted hemp market dominated by a small number of large operators capable of navigating an increasingly complex regulatory system. The other preserves the open, entrepreneurial marketplace that HB 1325 was intended to create when the Legislature legalized hemp production and commerce.

Moments like this test whether the rule of law remains meaningful in the face of administrative power. The courts exist precisely to address such questions.

For the Texas hemp industry, the moment for hesitation has passed. The rules have been written. Their consequences are already visible.

What remains is the willingness to challenge them.

Shipping THCA Flower to Texas: What Vendors Need to Know

While out-of-state vendors are not directly bound by the Texas Department of State Health Services (DSHS) retail ban, ordering THCA flower into Texas after
March 31, 2026, carries significant legal and practical risks.

Retail Ban Scope: The new DSHS rules specifically prohibit the manufacture, distribution, and retail sale of smokable hemp products (like THCA flower) within the state of Texas.

Out-of-State Loophole: Because DSHS regulations primarily govern Texas-licensed businesses, some out-of-state operators may continue to ship to Texas. However, Texas law requires any business selling consumable hemp products to Texas residents to register with the state, which may lead many reputable vendors to stop shipping to avoid legal conflict.

Confiscation Risk: Law enforcement can seize packages they suspect contain illegal substances. Under the new “total THC” calculation effective March 31, most THCA flower will test above the 0.3% limit, allowing the state to classify it as illegal marijuana.

State vs. Federal Conflict: While THCA flower may be federally compliant under the 2018 Farm Bill (based on Delta-9 levels), Texas’s stricter “total THC” standard means these products can be treated as controlled substances once they enter the state.

Possession Status: Current DSHS rules target the sale and distribution, not the possession by individuals. However, since THCA flower is physically indistinguishable from illegal marijuana without lab testing, possession still carries a high risk of “legal scrutiny” or arrest.

 

The direct answer is a qualified yes, but with significant risks and requirements. The new DSHS rules primarily govern the manufacture, distribution, and retail sale of hemp products within the state of Texas.
Here is how out-of-state vendors are impacted:

DSHS Registration Requirement: Any online retailer based outside of Texas that sells consumable hemp products to Texas residents is still required to register with the DSHS.

Retail Sale Loophole: The Texas Supreme Court has previously upheld that while Texas can ban the manufacturing of smokable hemp in-state, it cannot necessarily ban the retail sale of smokable products manufactured elsewhere, provided they meet state testing and labeling standards.

The “Total THC” Conflict: The new rule changes the state’s calculation to Total THC (THCA + Delta-9). While an out-of-state vendor might be legal in their home state, once the product enters Texas, it may be classified as illegal marijuana if it exceeds the 0.3% Total THC limit.

Vendor Risks and Compliance
Out-of-state vendors will likely fall into two categories:

Risk-Averse Vendors: Many major out-of-state brands are already announcing they will stop shipping THCA flower to Texas to avoid potential legal conflict with state authorities or to prevent their products from being seized by law enforcement.

Gray Market Vendors: Some smaller or less cautious vendors may continue shipping, relying on the fact that DSHS rules target businesses rather than consumer possession.

 

AFROMAN BEATS THE COPS IN COURT

Rapper turns police raid into music… and wins on free speech Afroman just proved something loud and clear:

You can turn a police raid into a hit song — and win in court.

 

The rapper, best known for “Because I Got High,” came out victorious in a defamation lawsuit filed by seven Ohio sheriff’s deputies after he used footage of a 2022 raid on his home in a series of music videos.

FROM RAID TO RECORD

The whole situation started when law enforcement raided Afroman’s house on suspicions of drug activity and kidnapping.

They came in heavy…

Guns drawn

House searched

Property damaged

And found nothing.

No charges. No arrests. No case.

THEN HE DID WHAT ARTISTS DO

Instead of staying quiet, Afroman flipped the script.

He took home security footage of the raid and turned it into content — dropping viral music videos, including tracks off his “Lemon Pound Cake” project.

 

One clip even shows an officer distracted by a cake sitting on the counter — a moment that became internet gold.

THE LAWSUIT

The deputies didn’t find it funny.

They sued Afroman for defamation, claiming:

 

He damaged their reputations

They faced harassment after the videos dropped.

They deserved millions in damages

(Reportedly close to $4 million.)

 

THE VERDICT

The court didn’t buy it.

A jury sided with Afroman, ruling that his videos and music were protected under free speech, not defamation.

After the win, Afroman summed it up in true fashion:

 

“We did it… Freedom of speech.”

WHY THIS MATTERS

This case hits bigger than one rapper.

It’s about:

Free speech vs. law enforcement power

Art as protest

Who controls the narrative after a raid goes wrong.

Afroman didn’t just defend himself — he turned the system into content… and beat it at its own game.

 

Our BLAZED TAKE

Let’s be real…

They kicked in his door, found nothing, and then got mad when he made a song about it.

That’s not defamation —

that’s storytelling.

And now there’s a legal precedent backing it up. It was absolutely hilarious watching him on the stand last week absorbing everything the DA threw at Afroman, as he stood there in his USA flag suit and sun glasses, and he leaned right back into the prossicuter, throwing body shots, 1st Ammendment, then 4th Ammendment.

As a monthly practitioner of the 1st amendment we are most proud of you Afroman and would love to get you on the podcast.

HB 256 and the Criminalization of Youth

In what feels like a legislative magic trick gone wrong—now you see them, now you don’t!—the Texas Legislature is once again trying to regulate the hemp industry… while simultaneously not having enough members in the building to legally do anything at all. And yet, two wildly different bills have somehow emerged from this disappearing act, revealing exactly who’s pulling the strings—and who’s being sawed in half.

A Hammer for a Scalpel: HB 256 and the Criminalization of Youth

Filed by Rep. Charlie Geren (R-Fort Worth), House Bill 256 appears to be the House leadership’s attempt at a narrow compromise—a bill designed to address Lt. Governor Dan Patrick’s public safety messaging without going so far as to criminalize the industry itself.

At first glance, it’s a tactical retreat from full prohibition. But in practice, HB 256 imposes sweeping and punitive restrictions that would criminalize basic adult behavior. The bill raises the age to 21 for any sale, purchase, or even presence on the premises of a retailer selling consumable hemp products. It creates Class A misdemeanor penalties for retailers and Class C misdemeanors for minors who purchase or attempt to purchase—complete with driver’s license suspensionsmandatory community service, and jail time for repeat offenders.

In substance, HB 256 copies the criminal statutes governing tobacco, but it goes a step further by criminalizing mere proximity: if you’re 20 and walk into a shop that sells delta-8 gummies or CBD beverages, you’re breaking the law. If you’re 18 and want to work at your family’s hemp store? Sorry—unless it’s your parents’ store and you’re under constant supervision, you’re barred from employment altogether.

The message is clear: we won’t ban it—but we’ll make it nearly impossible to operate around it. While Geren is a respected member of the House with deep institutional ties, there’s little question this bill reflects a broader political strategy, not personal zeal. It’s a way to throw the Senate a bone without endorsing full-scale prohibition—an attempt to appear responsive to Patrick’s rhetoric while keeping the House from walking off a political cliff.

But make no mistake: this is not regulation. It’s criminalization by another name.

SB 53: A Bureaucrat’s Dream, A Retailer’s Nightmare

On the opposite end of the Capitol, Sen. Nathan Johnson (D-Dallas) has filed SB 53, a sprawling reimagination of hemp regulation that signals both hope and hazard. On paper, the bill offers what the industry has long needed: a comprehensive, coherent regulatory framework that recognizes the unique challenges of cannabinoids, particularly when consumed as beverages or intoxicating products.

But like all omnibus legislation, the devil is in the details.

SB 53 proposes creating a new state agency—a regulatory body separate from both the Department of State Health Services and the Department of Agriculture. Modeled in part on the Alcoholic Beverage Commission, this agency would license and oversee retailersprocessors, transporters, and manufacturers, with the full authority to issue permitsassess taxesconduct inspections, and levy penalties. The effective date? January 1, 2027, a signal that this framework would take time—and possibly multiple sessions—to implement.

While the bill introduces added costs and compliance burdens, it also reflects deep engagement with stakeholders who’ve long demanded a seat at the regulatory table. Among those quietly shaping its contours are CRAFT co-founder Rhiannon Yard and industry compliance expert Chasity Wedgewood, who have worked tirelessly to ensure that any new system protects both public safety and the survival of lawful hemp businesses.

Their influence shows. SB 53 acknowledges the existence and growing popularity of hemp-derived beverages, an area regulators have historically ignored or misunderstood. It also seeks to professionalize the market—requiring operator training, product testing, and transparent labeling—all longstanding priorities of CRAFT and its partners.

Still, there are risks. Without strong safeguards against monopolization, SB 53 could become a Trojan horse for corporate consolidation, enabling large alcohol distributors or vertically integrated cannabis players to squeeze out smaller Texas-based operators. Licensing schemes that mimic the liquor industry often come with high barriers to entry, burdensome fees, and political gatekeeping. If passed without amendment, SB 53 may serve the interests of well-funded players at the expense of the local shops and family businesses that helped legal hemp take root in Texas.

Caught in a Clock That Isn’t Ticking

Here’s the wrinkle: none of this may happen anytime soon.

Thanks to a House walkout over unrelated legislation, the first special session has been paralyzed by a quorum break. The Senate has passed its priorities—including the unconstitutional ban that was SB 3—but the House can’t legally conduct business until a quorum is restored.

What does that mean for HB 256 and SB 53? For now, they’re frozen—not dead, but not moving either. And with Lt. Governor Dan Patrick threatening multiple special sessions until he gets his wish list passed, we could see these bills resurface in a second, third, or even fourth called session.

The policy fight is far from over. In fact, it hasn’t truly begun.

 

The Stakes Are Clear

Together, HB 256 and SB 53 present a vivid contrast. One is a political maneuver wrapped in moral panic, criminalizing young adults and choking off employment opportunities. The other is a blueprint for legitimacy, but one that could still choke innovation if its administrative scope is allowed to balloon unchecked.

We need smart regulation, not prohibition in disguise. That means:

  • Age-gating products with POS scanning, not blanket bans.
  • Supporting third-party lab verification, not relying on faulty enforcement labs like Armstrong.
  • Creating clear rules and licensing paths, not criminal penalties for retail clerks.

And we need regulators and legislators who listen to those with real-world experience, like Yard and Wedgewood, who have logged more hours building compliance systems than most lawmakers have spent reading the bill text.

The future of Texas hemp is still unwritten. But if these two bills are any indication, we’d better make sure the next chapter isn’t written by people who don’t understand the story.

Texas House Democrats Break Quorum, Stalling THC Ban Bills

The Walkout & Political Context

In early August 2025, over 50 Democratic members of the Texas House left the state—relocating to places like Illinois, New York, and Massachusetts—to deny Republicans the two‑thirds quorum needed to conduct legislative business. Their stated goal: block a proposed congressional redistricting map that would likely add five GOP seats ahead of the 2026 midterms .

 Impact on HB 5 and SB 5: The Hemp THC Ban

The special legislative session, which began July 21 and runs through August 19, includes up to 18 items on the agenda, notably bills concerning hemp-derived THC regulation or outright bans. Among them:

Senate Bill 5 (SB 5): a renewed GOP effort to ban all consumable hemp products containing any detectable THC—allowing only CBD and CBG—raising the legal age to 21, and criminalizing possession with fines/jail time .

House Bill 5 (HB 5): a companion bill in the House targeting similar standalone enforcement .

Because no quorum exists in the House, these bills cannot advance, hearings are suspended, and the agenda for THC regulation is effectively frozen—as long as Democrats remain absent .

Why Now?

The Democrats argue that the redistricting map would disenfranchise urban and minority voters by redesigning districts to favor Republicans. HB 5 and SB 5 were secondary priorities in comparison—hence their decision to prioritize blocking the maps over THC legislation .

Political Fallout & Legal Threats

Governor Greg Abbott and House GOP leaders responded quickly: issuing civil arrest warrants, imposing $500/day fines per absent member, and threatening removal from office—based on a 2021 Attorney General opinion that legislators who abandon their duties may forfeit their office. Abbott and legislators have also hinted at possible felony charges tied to fundraising efforts supporting the walkout .

Legal experts emphasize these actions are largely symbolic unless lawmakers physically return to Texas: arrest warrants can only be enforced within state lines, and removal proceedings would likely face court challenges .

Broader Consequences

The disruption affects more than just hemp policy:

Flood relief and disaster recovery bills remain in limbo.

Other special session topics like education reform, bathroom bills, and property tax limits are paused. Even Governor Abbott retains the power to call additional special sessions if needed, which could reopen the debate over banning THC .

Redistricting Blocked until quorum restored

HB 5 / SB 5 (THC ban) – On hold; no quorum means no hearings or votes

Consequences for Democrats $500/day fines, arrest warrants, removal threats (symbolic if out of Texas)

Session deadline Ends August 19, though further sessions possible

Industry / Regulatory angle Advocates were pushing for regulation rather than outright ban; Democrats support age limits, potency caps, and safe packaging

What Happens Next?

As long as the Democratic lawmakers remain out of state, the special session—including debates on hemp-derived THC—remains effectively frozen. If lawmakers return or are forced back before August 19, it’s possible the ban legislation could resume. Alternatively, Abbott could reconvene lawmakers for another session if the end-of-session deadline is reached without action.

Twin Bills, One Goal: Sweeping Hemp Crackdown

Why HB 5 Mirrors SB 5.

 

A second shoe has dropped in the Texas Legislature, and it has the same number as the first. House Bill 5, filed by Rep. Gary Van Deaver during the first called session of the 89th Legislature, is a word-for-word duplicate of Senate Bill 5 by Sen. Charles Perry. The filing sets the stage for what appears to be a coordinated attempt by legislative leadership to force through a prohibitionist overhaul of the state’s hemp market with unprecedented speed and severity.

The significance of the bill number cannot be overstated. In the Texas legislative process, bills are numbered sequentially as they are filed. But the first ten or so slots in each chamber are traditionally held for measures that reflect leadership priorities. HB 1 is the state budget. SB 1 is its Senate counterpart. When the House and Senate each file a bill with the same number, and the text of those bills is identical, it is a clear signal to members, lobbyists, and stakeholders that the bills are being coordinated at the highest levels and are intended to move in lockstep.

In this case, HB 5 and SB 5 do more than signal urgency. They mark an aggressive attempt to criminalize nearly every cannabinoid product currently legal under Texas law, with almost no exceptions. The text of the bills prohibits the manufacture, sale, or possession of any consumable hemp product containing any cannabinoid other than cannabidiol (CBD) or cannabigerol (CBG). This prohibition includes popular products containing Delta‑8 THC, Delta‑9 THC derived from hemp, THCP, HHC, and other minor cannabinoids that make up a significant portion of the Texas hemp industry’s product line.

Both bills introduce criminal penalties that go well beyond regulatory oversight. Manufacturing or distributing non-compliant products would constitute a third-degree felony. Possession would become a Class C misdemeanor, escalating with repeat offenses. For retailers and consumers alike, the consequences of noncompliance would be swift and harsh. There is no grace period for existing inventory, no allowance for naturally occurring trace cannabinoids, and no scientific standard for impairment or threshold-based enforcement.

Moreover, the regulatory framework proposed by HB 5 and SB 5 imposes punitive financial burdens on businesses. The legislation requires a $10,000 licensing fee for each location where hemp is processed or products are manufactured. It sets a $20,000 annual registration fee for every retail location selling hemp-derived products and imposes a $500 registration fee for every product SKU offered for sale. These costs are not marginal. They are designed either to force small operators out of the market or to consolidate the industry under a few large, well-capitalized firms that can absorb the costs and navigate the bureaucracy.

Every product must be tested using high-performance chromatography by a DEA-registered, ISO-accredited lab located in Texas. Each item must carry a QR code linking to the Department of State Health Services registry. Law enforcement is granted inspection authority over all retail locations, and business owners must grant written consent to allow DPS or local law enforcement to conduct physical inspections of their premises at any time. In short, compliance is not a path to security—it is an ongoing vulnerability.

In parallel, both bills include sweeping marketing and packaging restrictions. Products may not resemble candy, use cartoon images, reference medical use, display green crosses, or imitate brands familiar to minors. While the goal of reducing youth access is a legitimate one, the enforcement mechanisms are overbroad and leave room for arbitrary interpretation.

Perhaps most disturbingly, the bills do not provide for exemptions for patients, veterans, or those who rely on hemp-derived products for pain relief, sleep, anxiety, or seizure control. There is no carve-out for Texas Compassionate Use Program patients. The state’s medical cannabis program remains limited to a narrow list of qualifying conditions and a short roster of licensed operators. HB 5 and SB 5 do not bridge this gap. They widen it.

Governor Abbott’s veto of SB 3 earlier this summer made clear that he does not support total prohibition. In his veto statement, he emphasized the importance of protecting consumers, regulating intoxicating products, and preserving the legal hemp market created by the Legislature in 2019. Abbott called for age restrictions, labeling rules, validated testing, and a framework that supports—not destroys—Texas hemp businesses.

HB 5 and SB 5 ignore that directive. Their drafters appear to be daring the Governor to veto again or challenging the House to rubber-stamp the Senate’s punitive approach. Whether this strategy succeeds depends in large part on the House Committee process and whether stakeholders can educate members in time.

For now, the industry must take HB 5 as seriously as SB 5. They are one and the same. And they represent the most immediate threat to the existence of a lawful, regulated, and economically vital hemp market in Texas since the passage of HB 1325 five years ago.

The Texas Hemp Reporter will continue tracking developments on both bills, publishing updates, stakeholder analysis, and legal commentary throughout the special session.

If you operate a licensed hemp business in Texas and have not yet contacted your state representative, now is the time to do so. The House has a choice: double down on prohibition or course-correct toward regulation. That decision may hinge on what happens with HB 5.

Statement by the Texas Hemp Business Council on SB 5

AUSTIN, Texas, July 22, 2025 – The Texas Hemp Business Council (THBC) today issued the following statement regarding the introduction of SB 5 during a special session of the 89th Texas Legislature:

“Some Texas lawmakers are once again ignoring the facts, the public and the governor.

“Despite Governor Abbott’s veto of SB 3 and overwhelming opposition from Texans, Lieutenant Governor Dan Patrick and Senator Charles Perry are now pushing SB 5, a reckless repeat that would ban federally legal hemp products, kill small businesses and criminalize responsible consumers, all under the false premise of public safety.

“Governor Abbott got it right the first time: banning hemp is bad policy and bad for Texas. His veto protected a $5.5 billion state industry that supports over 50,000 jobs and contributes $268 million in annual retail tax revenue.

“Texans have spoken loudly and clearly. With 150,000 petition signatures, 8,000 handwritten letters and three statewide polls, the message is the same: prohibition doesn’t work. What Texans want is smart, responsible regulation.

“That’s why THBC strongly supports HB 4242, a common-sense alternative that includes 21+ age limits, child-resistant packaging and setbacks from schools. It’s the right path forward for public safety, economic freedom and the future of hemp in Texas.”

About the Texas Hemp Business Council

The Texas Hemp Business Council is an industry organization dedicated to promoting the hemp-based cannabinoid industry in Texas, while advocating for consumer safety, education and stakeholder engagement. More information is available at http://www.texashempbusinesscouncil.com.

Media Contacts:

Natalie Mu/George Medici

PondelWilkinson

310.279.5980

nmu@pondel.com

gmedici@pondel.com

Few Americans Support Prohibition of Marijuana

Eight-seven percent of Americans say that marijuana ought to be legal for either medical or adult use, according to nationwide polling compiled by the Pew Research Center.

The results are consistent with those of prior Pew polls finding that only about ten percent of US adults support a blanket policy of cannabis criminalization.

“The federal government’s ‘Flat Earth’ position on marijuana policy is remarkably out of step with both scientific and public consensus,” NORML’s Deputy Director Paul Armentano said. “Federally elected officials who refuse to take action to end cannabis criminalization do so at their own political peril.”

Fifty-four percent of respondents said that cannabis should be legal for both medical and adult use, while 33 percent of those surveyed supported medical marijuana legalization only. Consistent with prior polls, support for legalizing cannabis is strongest among liberal-leaning and younger voters (those ages 18 to 29), and it is weakest among more politically conservative-leaning voters and those over the age of 75.

Twenty-four states have legalized marijuana for adults and 40 states regulate medical cannabis access to qualified patients. Some 54 percent of Americans now reside in a jurisdiction where the adult-use cannabis market is legally regulated, while 79 percent live in a county with at least one marijuana dispensary.

Additional public opinion polling data is available from NORML.

Hemp Ban Possibly on Senate Floor this Week.

Congress is moving quickly to redefine hemp in such a way that nearly all consumable
products will be banned.Senators are expected to vote THIS week on the appropriations package that includes
this language. We have successfully defeated these types of attacks on our lawful,
federally regulated industry before, and we will fight to do so again.

From farmers to consumers who use the products for health and wellness to the shop
owners who depend on the sales of products – we must make a lot of noise to stop this
attack on our industry.

Click here to weigh in today!

 

Encourage your members of Congress to vote NO on hemp bans and instead sign onto
colleague letters that are advocating FOR and WITH the hemp industry by passing
robust regulations.

Governor Abbott Vetoes SB 3, Preserving Texas Hemp Industry—for Now

In a major political reversal that stunned both advocates and opponents of cannabis reform, Governor Greg Abbott has vetoed Senate Bill 3, the controversial measure that would have effectively banned nearly all hemp-derived THC products in Texas.

The bill—championed by Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick and passed by both chambers of the Legislature in May—sought to outlaw products containing any detectable amount of tetrahydrocannabinol (THC), a sweeping move that would have shuttered hundreds of small businesses and sent shockwaves through the $8 billion hemp industry.

 

Governor Abbott allowed the bill to sit on his desk for the full 20-day consideration period before finally acting late Sunday. As of this writing, no formal veto proclamation has been released, but sources close to the governor cited concerns about economic disruption, job losses, and veterans’ access to therapeutic hemp products as key factors in his decision.

 

“This veto is a lifeline,” said Russell Dowden, publisher of Texas Hemp Reporter and long-time industry voice. “Governor Abbott heard our message—and the voices of thousands of veterans, farmers, patients, and retailers—and made the right call.”

 

The decision marks a rare public break between Abbott and Patrick, whose office had made passage of SB 3 a top priority. Patrick has since doubled down on his opposition to THC products, telling the press that he expects a renewed push to “clean up” the market during a special session or the 2027 Legislature.

 

Industry leaders and civil liberties groups had lobbied intensely for the veto, warning that SB 3 would criminalize legal commerce, create confusion for law enforcement, and potentially violate both state and federal constitutional protections.

 

Meanwhile, litigation challenging the law was already in motion. A coalition of farmers, manufacturers, and medical companies had filed suit last week seeking to block enforcement on grounds of irreparable harm.

 

Abbott’s veto does not end the debate, but it buys crucial time for the hemp industry to regroup, professionalize, and advocate for a more rational regulatory framework.

 

“This was never about getting high,” said one veteran advocate. “It was about staying alive, staying out of pain, and staying in business.”

As the political dust settles, all eyes now turn to whether Lt. Gov. Patrick will push for a special session—and whether lawmakers can craft a smarter, science-based policy that protects consumers without crushing small businesses.

 

 

The Texas Hemp Reporter will continue to track developments and publish updates as they unfold.

Texas Governor Veto’s HEMP BAN SB3

 

People from every corner of the industry—consumers of our products, allies, enemies, friends, and frienemies alike—have been blowing up my phone and sliding into my DMs for the past 36 hours. The question on everyone’s mind: *What’s Abbott going to do about SB 3?*

 

Well, I’ve been around this building and this issue long enough to have a very clear set of criteria for what I call a **sophisticated wild-ass guess** (SWAG). And at the risk of torching what little remains of my reputation as an astute observer of Texas politics, I’m going to say it outright:

 

**Governor Abbott will veto SB 3 tonight.**

 

 

Now, I could be wrong. I’ve been wrong before. But I’m also secure enough in the knowledge that if I *am* wrong, the legal teams already sharpening the knives for a constitutional challenge to SB 3 are in excellent position to succeed. These aren’t amateurs. They’re the same group I helped assemble and coordinate in *Sky Marketing v. Hellerstedt*, where we secured a temporary injunction that kept the industry alive and operational for the past five years. We’ve done it before, and we can do it again.

 

So maybe this isn’t wisdom talking. Maybe it’s just the overconfidence of a guy who knows more than anyone else about what goes on under that Pink Dome. But I’ve got receipts, I’ve got perspective, and I’ve got the late-night texts to prove just how deep this runs. So here’s my reasoning—clear-eyed, bare-knuckled, and grounded in 30 years of watching Texas politics up close.

 

Abraham Lincoln—consistently ranked among the greatest Republicans ever to hold office—once observed, “It’s better to remain silent and be thought a fool than to speak and remove all doubt.” It’s a line that’s held up remarkably well, especially in Texas politics, where the contrast between our top two statewide officeholders could not be more vivid.

 

Lieutenant Governor Dan Patrick, never one to let a microphone go cold, seems determined to test Lincoln’s wisdom on a near-daily basis. If there’s a press conference, a pulpit, or a news camera within 50 feet, Dan will find it—and fill it—with grim anecdotes, shaky claims, and the kind of moral panic that would make Carrie Nation blush. Whether it’s teenage “scromiting,” zombie stoners, or apocalyptic warnings about hemp gummies, Patrick has become a one-man flood of fear and folksiness, rarely pausing long enough to wonder whether the rest of us have stopped listening.

 

Governor Abbott, by contrast, prefers to let the silence work for him. He rarely indulges in theatrics or legislative sermonizing. Instead, he waits. Watches. And when the moment is right, he reaches for his veto pen and uses it like a surgeon—or, depending on the bill, a medieval executioner. Say what you will about Abbott, but he doesn’t need to grandstand. He lets his vetoes do the talking—and in the case of SB 3, that pen may be the last line of defense between reason and full-blown reefer madness.

 

Patrick may fill the airwaves, but Abbott owns the red ink. And if we’re lucky, the man who knows how to keep his mouth shut might also be the one who saves an entire industry by opening his hand and signing the veto.

 

Let’s not mince words: SB 3 is Dan Patrick’s political theater, pure and simple. It’s vintage Patrick—moral panic dressed up as public safety. The grieving mothers, the sheriff associations, the horror stories about “scromiting teens” and gummy-eating schizophrenic zombies—it’s all pageantry designed to override logic and stampede legislators into doing what he wants.

 

And what Patrick wants is a legacy. He wants to be the culture warrior who cleaned up the state by banning “weed candy” from every smoke shop in Texas. But this isn’t about safety. It’s about power. Control. Discipline. Optics.

 

Abbott knows it. He’s seen this show before. And he’s not in the business of playing second fiddle—especially not to a guy who keeps trying to script his finale.

 

In 2023, Abbott vetoed 76 bills—many of them out of the Senate—and used the veto pen as a blunt instrument to remind Patrick who the real executive is. He’ll do it again if the circumstances call for it. And SB 3? This bill practically dares him to do it.

 

Let’s be brutally honest: the Texas Compassionate Use Program (TCUP), which Patrick is trying to pitch as the “responsible” alternative to the hemp industry, is turning into a slow-rolling scandal.

 

What the public doesn’t see—but insiders can’t stop talking about—is that TCUP has become a boutique monopoly, guarded by DPS and run under rules so loose you could drive a truckload of influence through them. Thanks to the way the expansion was drafted, anyone can be an undisclosed owner of a license, as long as they’re not on paper as “engaged in day-to-day operations.”

 

Let that sink in. There are potentially millions in profits being skimmed off a state-created cartel, and the public has no legal right to know who’s cashing in. For all we know, the same political operatives and campaign donors who helped push this bill are waiting in the wings with license equity—and nobody’s asking questions.

 

Meanwhile, the product being offered through TCUP is wildly overpriced, inconsistently dosed, and—if you believe the patient forums—barely effective. The people who *need* cannabis the most are getting gouged for subpar relief, and the only reason anyone would willingly switch from affordable, over-the-counter hemp to TCUP is if they were *forced* to by law.

 

Abbott has stayed quiet about all of this, but make no mistake—he’s paying attention. And there’s no chance he wants that mess hung around his neck. Not when he can smell the burn of a corruption story that hasn’t broken yet. Not when TCUP is shaping up to be the next “Paxton problem.”

 

If the cronyism wasn’t enough to give Abbott pause, there’s a constitutional landmine waiting to go off in the fine print of TCUP—and it’s the kind of thing Texas Republicans don’t forgive.

 

Under federal law, anyone who signs up for a medical cannabis registry—even in a state where it’s legal—is considered a user of a federally controlled substance and therefore prohibited from owning or purchasing firearms under the Gun Control Act.

That means every Texan who enters TCUP to access legal cannabis for PTSD, pain, or cancer symptoms automatically loses their Second Amendment rights. Permanently. No guns, no ammo, no concealed carry.

 

You can imagine the headlines: “Texas Governor Signs Law That Disarms Veterans.” “Medical Marijuana Registry Becomes Gun Ban List.”

 

That’s not hyperbole. That’s the law. And it’s exactly the scenario Patrick was counting on most of us missing. TCUP isn’t a solution. It’s a trap—and it’s baited with constitutional consequences.

 

Abbott is a lawyer. A former judge. He knows exactly what kind of blowback this will create, especially among his core base. And if Patrick thinks he can dump that kind of political liability onto Abbott’s desk and walk away clean, he might want to check his math.

 

Let’s zoom out. Polls show a double-digit margin of opposition to SB 3 among Republican voters. Over 150,000 signatures have landed on Abbott’s desk opposing the bill. Veterans groups, libertarians, physicians, parents, and small business owners have united against it. Even Donald Trump’s camp has quietly encouraged Abbott to walk this back.

 

SB 3 isn’t just bad policy. It’s politically toxic. And Abbott, ever the pragmatist, can see where this leads. Sign the bill, and he hands his enemies an opening. Veto it, and he gets to be the adult in the room. That’s a win. Not just for the industry. For Abbott himself.

 

Let’s say I’m wrong. Let’s say Abbott doesn’t veto and lets SB 3 become law by default. What happens next? We sue. And we win.

 

The federal lawsuit filed on June 20 goes straight to the heart of the matter: federal preemption, vagueness, due process, regulatory takings, Commerce Clause violations, and overbreadth. And we’re not filing with a hope and a prayer. This is the same legal team that obtained the only injunction that has ever protected our industry from overreach. They’re disciplined, strategic, and already five moves ahead.

 

A veto avoids all that. But if Abbott decides to punt? We’ll be in court by Monday—and I like our odds.

People forget that Greg Abbott isn’t just a political operator—he’s a conservative jurist. And his decision-making, when you peel away the PR, comes down to four instincts:

 

* Protect constitutional order

* Minimize legal exposure for the state

* Support small business and property rights

* Avoid public association with corruption or political embarrassment

 

SB 3 fails every one of those tests.

 

It’s legally dubious. It endangers the state’s standing in federal court. It obliterates a thriving industry while propping up a crony-driven monopoly. And it’s wrapped in Patrick’s fingerprints like a bad penny taped to a campaign mailer.

 

This bill isn’t just wrong. It’s radioactive. And Governor Abbott knows it.

 

He doesn’t need to be a hero. He just needs to be smart. And he is.

 

So no, I don’t have a crystal ball. But I’ve got 30 years of Texas politics under my belt, and I’ve never seen a moment more ripe for the veto pen.

 

Abbott has the tools. He has the cover. He has the motive. And he sure as hell has the opportunity.

 

My call? He vetoes SB 3 tonight.

 

And if not?

 

Then we go to court. And we go to war.

 

BREAKING: Gov. Abbott Signs TCUP Expansion as Clock Ticks on THC Ban Decision

June 21, 2025 — In a headline-grabbing move that belies the deeper political drama beneath it, Governor Greg Abbott today signed House Bill 46 into law, enacting the most significant expansion of the Texas Compassionate Use Program (TCUP) since its inception. The new law allows physicians to recommend low-THC cannabis for chronic pain, expands access for veterans with PTSD, and marginally increases the allowable THC cap.

But the bill is far from a clean win for medical cannabis advocates—and for many in the broader cannabis community, it may feel like a Trojan Horse.

 

The Political Trade-Off

 

Lt. Governor Dan Patrick leveraged HB 46 as a political bargaining chip to strong-arm reluctant House members into voting for Senate Bill 3, the sweeping ban on hemp-derived cannabinoids that passed in the waning days of the session. Patrick made it clear: if lawmakers wanted HB 46, they had to swallow the poison pill of SB 3.

Capitol sources confirm that House lawmakers who had long fought for TCUP expansion were told, bluntly: support the ban, or your patients get nothing.

Now, with HB 46 signed and codified, Patrick has delivered on his part of the deal. But Governor Abbott’s final decision on SB 3 looms large. He has until midnight, Sunday June 22, to sign it, veto it, or let it quietly pass into law without his signature.

 

HB 46: Expansion, Yes—But Also a Trap

 

While the expansion of medical access will help a subset of patients, HB 46 also introduces a highly restrictive and monopolistic licensing structure that critics say will entrench the existing TCUP oligopoly and lock out the broader cannabis industry—including hemp operators and legacy entrepreneurs.

Key concerns include:

 

  • No pathway for current hemp licensees or manufacturers to participate in the expanded TCUP system, even if they meet quality and safety standards.
  • Arbitrary license caps and undefined “moral character” criteria that will allow the Department of Public Safety to deny applications without meaningful oversight or appeal.
  • closed-loop supply chain that forces vertical integration—limiting the market to those with millions in capital and existing political relationships.
  • Out-of-state control of licenses and a strong whiff of insider favoritism. At least one TCUP license is backed by national investors with lobbying ties to both Patrick and powerful Senate committee chairs.

 

Critics argue that while the bill appears to expand access, its actual effect is to reinforce a cartel structure—one that Patrick and his allies can control through regulatory choke points. The expansion is not broad legalization; it’s restricted commercialization.

“HB 46 is a gilded cage,” said a former legislator who asked not to be named. “It gives the illusion of progress while institutionalizing exclusion.”

The Bigger Battle: SB 3

 

All of this unfolds in the shadow of SB 3—the bill that would ban all hemp-derived THC products including Delta-8, Delta-9, Delta-10, and THCa, currently sold in legal retail markets across Texas. The legislation threatens to wipe out a multi-billion-dollar industry, shutter hundreds of small businesses, and criminalize the very products that many consumers, including veterans and patients not covered by TCUP, depend on for relief.

A newly filed lawsuit by Texas retailers and manufacturers in Travis County seeks injunctive and declaratory reliefagainst SB 3, arguing it violates federal preemption, the Takings Clause, and due process protections. That case may delay enforcement, but it doesn’t undo the political damage.

 

Abbott’s Decision Will Be Defining

 

Governor Abbott has historically taken a moderate stance on cannabis, expanding TCUP in previous sessions and signaling openness to low-THC therapies. With three recent polls—including one from the Texas Politics Project—showing majority Republican opposition to a ban, pressure is mounting for a veto of SB 3.

If Abbott signs it, prohibition returns under a new name. If he vetoes it, the fight for regulatory reform can begin in earnest. If he does nothing, the bill becomes law by default—and with it, the state’s most draconian anti-cannabis law in a decade.

In that case, HB 46 may go down not as a win for patients—but as the velvet glove hiding the iron fist of prohibition.

 


 

Jay Maguire is Political Editor of the Texas Hemp Reporter, Executive Director of the Texas Hemp Federation, and co-founder of CRAFT: the Cannabis Retailers Alliance for Texas. Reach him at maguire@texashempfederation.org or 512-954-8054.

Dan Patrick and the shadow war on cannabis: A case for official oppression?

In the corridors of the Texas Capitol, where influence is currency and access determines outcome, one man’s fingerprints are all over the battle to decide the future of THC in Texas: Lieutenant Governor Dan Patrick. While Governor Greg Abbott weighs Senate Bill 3—a sweeping ban on hemp-derived THC products—Dan Patrick has already chosen his side. And he’s been stacking the deck.

This isn’t just another tale of moneyed lobbying and legislative maneuvering. The facts suggest a pattern that edges uncomfortably close to official oppression, a crime under Texas Penal Code § 39.03, where a public servant uses their position to intentionally mistreat someone or deny them a right.
Let’s walk through how Patrick — directly or through his proxies — may have done exactly that.

A market war disguised as a public health issue

In 2021, AFI Capital Partners poured $21 million into Texas Original Compassionate Cultivation (TOCC), the state’s leading licensed medical cannabis producer. That same year, THC products made from hemp—legal under the 2019 federal and Texas hemp laws—began to outsell their prescription-only counterparts. Suddenly, the monopoly granted to licensed medical marijuana producers was no longer secure. Demand dropped. Patients defected. The state’s entire tightly controlled “Compassionate Use” market was eclipsed by walk-in, over-the-counter sales of delta-8, delta-9, and THCA.

Rather than compete, TOCC called for war. And Dan Patrick was their general.

After TOCC’s decline, AFI Capital managing director Nico Richardson stepped in as CEO and began lobbying for a total ban on hemp-derived THC. Public records show TOCC hired Logan Spence– Dan Patrick’s former chief of staff, paying him upwards of $417,000. That’s not unusual in Austin. But what is unusual is how Patrick then used his office to push a bill that would effectively kneecap an entire retail industry—one supported by the majority of Republican voters.

The Patrick machine

Senate Bill 3, which bans hemp-derived THC starting this September, would gut a $5.5 billion industry and jeopardize over 50,000 jobs. Yet, despite overwhelming grassroots support for retail THC—including 135,000 petition signatures and hundreds of public testimonies— the bill sailed through Patrick’s Senate with little resistance.

Patrick didn’t just allow the bill to advance, he greased the rails. TOCC wasn’t the only company with ties to his orbit. A new pro-SB3 medical cannabis company— Blissful CannaCo— popped up last December and hired a lobbyist with social and academic ties to Patrick’s assistant general counsel. In Texas, that kind of proximity is not coincidence, it’s calculation.

When public officials take steps to rig regulatory outcomes to favor personal allies or economic interests—especially at the expense of broader constitutional rights like due process, equal protection, or economic liberty—that’s not just bad policy, that could be classified as official oppression.

The legal standard

Under Texas law, a public official commits official oppression when they use their position to intentionally mistreat or arrest someone or intentionally deny or impede a right knowing their conduct is unlawful.

Patrick’s conduct raises serious questions under each of these elements:
•Intentionality. The legislation wasn’t neutral—it was laser-targeted at retail THC products that compete with his allies’ investments.
•Mistreatment. The retail hemp industry wasn’t just ignored—it was targeted for eradication through sweeping regulation despite its popularity and economic contributions.
•Unlawfulness. If this regulation is proven to be a backdoor attempt to re-establish a state-protected monopoly benefiting politically connected actors, it could be viewed as an unconstitutional abuse of office.

Even if not criminal, it fits the spirit of the statute. And at a minimum, it’s oppression in the court of public trust.

Who really loses?

While Patrick pulls levers in the shadows, everyday Texans are the ones caught in the crossfire. Medical cannabis serves only 29,000 patients. Retail THC serves millions. Texans have made their choice clear: they want safe, accessible cannabis, without a doctor’s gatekeeping or political games. If Senate Bill 3 becomes law, it won’t be because science demanded it or voters asked for it. It will be because Dan Patrick decided to help out his friends.

And that is exactly why the question of official oppression isn’t just theoretical. When political power is used not to protect the public, but to crush competition and protect a financial elite—that’s not politics as usual. That’s a potential abuse of office.

What now?
Governor Abbott has until June 22 to sign, veto, or ignore Senate Bill 3. If he signs it, expect outrage. If he vetoes it, expect war within the GOP. But no matter the outcome, the role Dan Patrick has played deserves public scrutiny—and maybe more than that.
Because when politicians tip the scales for their allies and crush the will of the people, it’s not just cannabis rights at stake, it’s the rule of law.

Texans Forced to Choose Between Pain or Firearms

It’s not a hypothetical. It’s not a loophole. It’s the law—and it’s targeting some of the most vulnerable Texans.

Every patient in the Texas Compassionate Use Program (TCUP), our state’s limited medical marijuana registry, is already in legal jeopardy under federal law. The moment a Texan with PTSD, cancer, epilepsy, or chronic pain enrolls in TCUP and begins legally using low-THC marijuana prescribed by a licensed physician, they are—under federal law—a “prohibited person” who can no longer legally own or possess a firearm.

Most of them have no idea.

Here’s why: under 18 U.S.C. § 922(g)(3), anyone who is an “unlawful user” of a controlled substance—even if that substance is legal under Texas law—loses their Second Amendment rights. No guns. No ammunition. No recourse.

This isn’t a bureaucratic technicality. It’s enforced.

Every legal gun sale in Texas requires ATF Form 4473, which explicitly warns that marijuana is still a Schedule I drug federally and that “the use or possession of marijuana remains unlawful under Federal law regardless of whether it has been legalized or decriminalized for medicinal or recreational purposes in the state where you reside.”

If a TCUP patient answers “no” to the question about marijuana use, they’ve committed a felony punishable by up to five years in federal prison for lying on a government form. If they answer “yes,” they are denied the right to purchase—and could face federal charges simply for possessing the firearms they already legally owned prior to enrollment.

Veterans. Retirees. Rural Texans. People who have carried and relied on a firearm their entire adult lives. These are not criminals. They are patients who did what the state asked: registered for a tightly regulated program to access medicine recommended by their doctor.

And now? They are in the federal government’s crosshairs.

This is not a new law—it’s been on the books since the 1960s—but it has taken on new urgency as SB 3 threatens to eliminate most over-the-counter hemp-derived THC products in Texas, forcing tens of thousands of Texans to either suffer without relief or pivot into TCUP. They’ll be walking straight into a legal trap.

The hypocrisy is staggering. The same political leaders who campaign on defending gun rights and medical freedom are now backing policies that funnel citizens into a government-run marijuana registry—and in doing so, strip them of the very constitutional rights those leaders swore to protect.

No one should have to choose between relief from debilitating pain and the right to protect their home and family. But that’s exactly what Texas patients are facing.

Governor Abbott has the opportunity—and the obligation—to recognize this injustice. By vetoing SB 3, he can protect not only patient access to safe, legal hemp-derived relief, but also the constitutional rights of thousands of Texans who trusted their doctors and their state.

If he signs it, he owns it.

Because when a veteran who served his country with honor is forced to turn in his firearms simply for treating his PTSD with legal, state-approved marijuana, it won’t be Dan Patrick’s name they remember.

It’ll be Greg Abbott’s.

Why Governor Abbott Must Veto SB 3

 

Lt. Governor Dan Patrick is selling Texans a fraud—and calling it reform. Senate Bill 3, his signature attempt to ban nearly all hemp-derived THC products, is nothing short of a full-spectrum assault on personal liberty, small business, patient access, and constitutional rights. With a straight face and a white coat, Patrick is using the language of public health to disguise what is ultimately a prohibitionist power grab.

 

Governor Abbott must veto SB 3. Here’s why:

 

1. They’re Coming for Your Guns, Not Just Your Gummies

 

When a Texan signs up for medical cannabis through TCUP, they’re unknowingly walking into a legal buzzsaw. Overnight, they become a “prohibited person” under federal law—no firearms, no ammo, no recourse. This isn’t some bureaucratic technicality. It’s disarmament disguised as medicine. And Dan Patrick knows damn well what it means. He’s banking on Texans not reading the fine print.

 

2. They’re Yanking Relief Right Off the Shelf

 

For years, Texans have had legal access to over-the-counter hemp products like Delta-8 and Delta-9. These products have helped veterans sleep, cancer patients eat, and working folks manage stress without jumping through hoops. SB 3 would rip those remedies off the shelves and toss them in the trash, forcing everyone into a system they neither asked for nor need.

 

3. They Shut Down the Corner Store and Opened a Toll Booth

 

With SB 3 outlawing OTC hemp and forcing patients into TCUP, Patrick’s plan funnels every Texan into a tightly controlled, DPS-operated monopoly. The state isn’t offering medicine—it’s charging admission. And only a select few companies, cozy with the Capitol crowd, get to collect the toll.

 

4. They’re Pricing Pain Relief Like It’s Platinum

 

Once they’ve shut down your neighborhood shop, they’ll send you to a DPS-licensed dispensary where the price tag is as steep as the red tape. Insurance won’t cover a drop, and the product selection is as sparse as a West Texas rainstorm. The folks who need it most—veterans, seniors, and working-class Texans—are left high and dry.

 

5. They’ll Nail You Whether You Tell the Truth or Not

 

Want to follow the law? Tell the ATF you’re a TCUP patient—and kiss your gun rights goodbye. Want to keep your rifle? Lie on the form—and risk a felony. Patrick’s “compassionate” policy is a legal booby trap, rigged to criminalize honest Texans either way.

6. They’re Using Junk Science to Kick in Your Door

 

Patrick’s DPS has been storming small businesses using discredited lab tests and manipulated data. The Texas Forensic Science Commission warned against it—three times. But instead of fixing the problem, Patrick leaned into it, letting politics override science to justify sweeping raids. That ain’t law enforcement—it’s showbiz with badges.

 

7. They’re Letting Their Buddies Cash In Behind Closed Doors

 

Under the new TCUP rules, investors can stay anonymous. That means lobbyists, donors, and political cronies can rake in the profits while Texans lose access, lose jobs, and lose everything they’ve built. It’s medicine for the rich and raids for the rest.

 

8. They’re Crying Wolf While Texans Suffer

 

Patrick stood on the Senate floor waving horror stories about vomiting, psychosis, and panic attacks. But the facts tell a different tale. These so-called dangers are rare, extreme, and usually tied to long-term heavy use. Meanwhile, Tylenol and Imodium cause more ER visits than cannabinoids ever have. It’s classic Patrick: distract, distort, and divide.

 

 

The Verdict: Texans Are Getting Played, Not Protected

 

They’re losing their guns, their medicine, their freedom to choose, and their right to run a business—all so Patrick and his allies can consolidate power, control markets, and cloak prohibition in the language of compassion.

 

This bill is a lie wrapped in a lab coat and tied with campaign cash.

 

Governor Abbott: Veto SB 3. Texans see the game. Don’t play.